Tag Archives: isolation

Athens, Greece: Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis continue hunger strike in Koridallos prisons

On December 5th 2017, Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis were forcibly removed from Koridallos prisons (both were subjected to headlocks, holds, etc.) and were involuntarily admitted to the General State Hospital of Nikaia. The prison prosecutor pressed physicians to force-feed the two hunger strikers. The hospital doctors refused to treat the prisoners against their will, and solely reported that Nikos Maziotis has lost 14.6% of his initial body weight, while Pola Roupa has lost 12.8% of her initial body weight.

On December 6th (on the 26th day of their hunger strike), Roupa and Maziotis were finally discharged from the hospital and returned to Koridallos prisons, determined to continue their hunger strike until their demands are met (among other things, they request extended visits with their six-year-old child).

Maziotis was informed that he would be placed in a disciplinary segregation unit, until damages at B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison are repaired. This means that the comrade is being punished for having completely destroyed the solitary confinement wing where he has been held for over 5 months, and is now facing appalling conditions, even worse than the previous ones.

Athens, Greece: Involuntary hospitalization of Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa

Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa are on hunger strike since November 11th 2017.

The two imprisoned comrades are fighting against isolation measures; against specific provisions of the new correctional code aimed at repressing them as high-security prisoners; against the proposed detention of high-security prisoners in police stations; against the intended reinstatement of the type C prison regime. They also demand an immediate end of the solitary confinement imposed on Nikos Maziotis (since July, the comrade is kept isolated from other prisoners by a decision of the justice ministry); an extension of visiting hours based on the frequency of visits a prisoner has; appropriate visitation rooms for incarcerated parents to meet with their children.

They made it clear from the outset that they only receive water. They have repeatedly asked to be granted unhindered phone communication with their six-year-old son before being transferred from Koridallos prisons to any hospital.

On December 2nd, Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were transferred to a hospital outside the prisons due to the deterioration of their health condition. However, the next day both comrades asked to be sent back to the prisons because eventually they were not permitted unhindered phone communication with their child.

On December 4th, Nikos Maziotis burned and destroyed the B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison, where he has been held in solitary confinement for 5 months. He was then moved to the prison infirmary because of the fumes, and was threatened with further isolation – this time in a disciplinary unit of Koridallos prisons.

In the early hours of December 5th, hunger strikers Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were forcibly transferred outside Koridallos prisons. The prison prosecutor ordered their involuntary hospitalization. They are currently being kept at the General State Hospital of Nikaia, both threatened with force-feeding. As of yet, the hospital doctors have not succumbed to the prosecutor’s order.

Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa continue their hunger strike. They have stated they will not accept serum, and will act against involuntary treatment and force-feeding (torture) in every possible way.

(all related posts in Greek)

Greece: Imprisoned Comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, Revolutionary Struggle Members, Begin New Hunger Strike

We’ll meet in the streets of rage (A)

November 11, 2017


Almost 10 years after the outbreak of the crisis with the collapse of the financial system, bank bankruptcy, and seven years after the commencement of the era of the memorandum and the monitoring of the country by the troika (IMF, EC, ECB), the social base in this country has suffered the strongest blow since the Second World War.

Greek puppet governments have definitively delegated substantial economic and political governance to EU supranational organizations and indirectly to the capital markets and are imposing new measures of social euthanasia for large sections of the population in this country, they are now insignificant for their added value to capitalist wealth. That’s why it does not matter if they disappear. This condition of condemnation is also a prerequisite for the survival of the system itself, for the preservation of the political regime, for the perpetuation of capitalism.

The government’s propaganda to overcome the crisis and return the Greek economy to a recovery path is a common European lie to showcase the supposed success of the programs and memoranda, to allow the EU to be removed from the obligation to continue to financially support the Greek regime and to let the capital markets take the lead from the EU in the recycling of Greek debt and speculation through it. A debt that regime agents already admit that if not drastically reduced in the immediate future will force the Greek state to declare bankruptcy. Not least that the exit to the markets of the Greek state will further exacerbate the already exaggerated Greek debt, which now exceeds 180% of GDP.

The message, however, that the world’s powerful have taken from these years with the rescue policies of the system by the central banks and governments that have put the whole weight of the crisis that the rich created on the backs of the peoples: whatever they do they have their pack animals, the social base, to bear the crisis and produce profits. And the usual practice of enrichment through the swelling of global debt and its financialization continues until the next collapse. But the people have already suffered a huge blow. The social base in the country counts millions of poor, marginalized and desperate. It counts thousands of deaths from hunger, illness and suicide.

The SYRIZA-ANEL government’s minister [of Tourism] Kountoura argued that it is a government success that people do not eat from the rubbish. People still do eat from the trash, but they no longer show them on television. This is why it is a universal political priority to support the “success story” of the memorandum by all parties and the media.

The theft of any surplus wealth left to the social base continues with unabated tension by the government with wage and pensions cuts, the abolition of public insurance, the taxation of the most economically weak, all while poverty is rising, on the orders of the EU the banks will throw thousands of borrowers onto the streets, and there is no chance to persuade the government to get out of the crisis.

The only success of the government is social passivity and the defeat of struggles. Because the basic precondition for imposing these criminal policies in the country that threw thousands of people to the margins, which killed thousands, was and is political normality and the absence of a strong social reaction. Because the smaller the resistance of society, the more ruthless the system becomes.

The social reactions to the memorandums somehow came to a standstill as the regime was determined to impose the memorandums at all political expense. But the reason these memoranda were imposed was the absence of an expanded and powerful revolutionary movement that could be an obstacle to the social euthanasia policies. Upon the defeat of the resistance SYRIZA stepped in to climb to power. The SYRIZA-ANEL government has also been the last sparks of reaction to the system and policies to overcome the crisis.

Today, the social base is rotten, while the economic and political lords of the country have secured their wealth in tax havens and in foreign banks. The Paradise Papers come to recall what everyone knows: That the economically powerful and their political aides are not touched by any crisis and it does not concern them that any measures are imposed. In a “legal and moral” (sic) way they will continue to enrich themselves while millions of people die of hunger and poverty.

Nowadays, the social base is rotten because this rotten system is killing to survive, because it kills social solidarity and cohesion and pushes it into crime. The war of all against all is the beginning of capitalism and the economic freedom of the rich to do whatever they want with the support of governments. It is the beginning of the absolute competition that has dominated the planet.

Their own creations – the crimes among the social bases – are nowadays the politicians’ number one issue. “Order and security” is the common slogan of the political elites to deal drastically with these phenomena which the regime itself gave birth to. One of the most popular aspects of propaganda is crime among the social bases today. It is the phenomenon that the regime itself generates and nourishes.

And, on the other hand, the great criminals, the real terrorists and the bandits that make up the economic and political power, remain immune. Continue reading Greece: Imprisoned Comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, Revolutionary Struggle Members, Begin New Hunger Strike

[US prisons] Sean Swain on hunger strike since December 26th

via SeanSwain.org (January 12th 2017)

We received word recently from a friend of Sean’s that Sean is currently on hunger strike and has been placed in a suicide cell.

Although details are still murky, we know that Sean has been without food since December 26th 2016. He was charged with extortion of a deputy warden and had begun a disciplinary process when he began his hunger strike and was placed in a suicide cell.

We know that the prison is recognizing his hunger strike and following the associated procedures, which include taking him to the medical unit every day and weighing him and taking his vital signs. It is unclear whether they are attempting to negotiate with him in any way.

Please take a moment to write a letter of encouragement to Sean:

Sean Swain #243-205
Warren CI, P.O. Box 120, 5787 State Route 63
Lebanon, Ohio 45036 [USA]

in Greek, German, Italian, French, Portuguese

Alabama, USA: Anarchist comrade Michael Kimble placed in segregation following the latest rebellion at Holman prison

On August 1st 2016, a riot erupted at Holman prison in Alabama following an altercation where several inmates and at least one prison guard were injured. Prisoners barricaded themselves inside the C-dorm, which houses 114 inmates, setting fires and resisting the antiriot squad (CERT) that arrived to suppress the rebellion. Power and water were shut off, and the entire prison was put on lockdown. This is only the most recent in a series of riots at Holman prison. In March 2016, the warden was stabbed when he set foot in the C-dorm, and prisoners rioted repeatedly, setting fires, putting up barricades, etc.

Below is a letter from anarchist comrade Michael Kimble, placed in segregation following the latest riot at Holman prison; received August 8th 2016 from Anarchy Live:

Continuous Rebellion

At the moment I’m writing from segregation (lockup) after being stripped, handcuffed, slapped, and placed here by the CERT (riot squad) on Monday, August 1, 2016 at approximately 11:45 pm. It’s now Wednesday and I haven’t been given my personal property (shoes/slides, soap, deodorant, clothes, toothbrush, etc.) nor have I received a 72 hour investigation notice as to why I’m being held in segregation.

I’m assuming that I’m being held for being involved in a rebellion (riot) that popped off on August 1, 2016 at around 3:06 pm. Initially there was a fight between prisoners, but escalated into a rebellion against the guards when they tried to intervene after being told numerous times that things were under control.

The guards didn’t listen and was chased out of C-dorm, which has become a space of self-governance and resistance against prison officials. Fires were set, control units taken.

I’m one of about ten prisoners who was also placed in segregation.

So, if you don’t hear from me personally, it means that all my property, including letters, addresses, phone numbers, have been destroyed or lost. I’ve had to borrow writing materials to get this out.

in Greek

US prisons: June 11th statement by Jennifer Gann, aka Babygirl

Thank you for the opportunity to issue a statement on the June 11, 2016 Day of Solidarity with Long-term Anarchist Prisoners. First and foremost: as a California prison rebel and trans woman who has been incarcerated for 26 years, I truly appreciate the solidarity and support I’ve received from sisters and comrades in the struggle internationally.

I was first exposed to anarchist ideas as a young punk rock kid in the 1980s. However, I was not always an anarchist. I had a Christian upbringing in predominantly white, racist neighborhoods in Southern California suburbs outside of the L.A. area. I associated with skinheads and white prison gangs.

I didn’t come to prison for revolutionary acts. I was involved in an armed robbery with a couple of homeboys in 1990. We were just young street thugs. I was sentenced to 7 years in state prison.

I became politicized after participating in the 1991 Folsom Prison hunger strike, and in 1992 began a long-term struggle against prison authorities and torture. This resulted in multiple prison terms of 16 years and 25 years to life for assaulting a guard, an associate warden, and Sacramento County prosecutor. I spent 11 years in Pelican Bay SHU solitary confinement (1994-2004).

Several years ago, when I was released from Pelican Bay SHU, I completely renounced my racist past associations and was targeted by the Aryan Brotherhood. As my political development continued in the Prisoner Resistance, in 2007 I “came out” as a trans woman. I fully transitioned my gender identity, started hormone therapy, and joined a Maoist faction engaged in prisoner solidarity work. As a long-time anarchist sympathizer, I simply could not swallow Maoist aspirations for state power, and a “Joint Dictatorship of the Proletariat” that they envision would simply lead to more oppression.

In 2010, I joined Black & Pink as a “leadership” member for 5 years. This led to me becoming an insurrectional anarchist and trans feminist Amazon.

In 2011, I joined the California Prison Hunger Strike to end solitary confinement by doing a 23 hour solidarity strike. At the time, I was just finishing a 3 year long SHU term in Tehachapi for “battery on a peace officer.”

Since late 2011, I have been confined here behind enemy lines at Kern Valley State Prison, where I’ve continued to battle the administration, organize trans women prisoners, and literally fight off homophobic gang violence. My sisters and I have organized a trans-feminine Amazon faction called Loyal Queen Revolutionaries, and we continue to work with outside groups such as TGI Justice Project and the Transgender Law Center in San Francisco in an effort to change the hostile and unsafe prison conditions we face as trans women in male prisons. We will struggle and fight to abolish these oppressive institutions once and for all, by any means necessary! We will resist those who attack us, and avenge the mass rape and murder of our trans sisters.

Viva las Amazónas!
Viva Anarchy!

Solidarity with Mónica and Francisco!
Solidarity with FAI-IRF & the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire!

This is my action, and my statement for June 11th, against prisons and in solidarity with long-term anarchist prisoners. FTP!

Love and Rage!


German prisons: June 11th statement by Thomas Meyer-Falk

Fighting back: every day!

When I look back on the day of my arrest 20 years ago, I wasn’t imagining what I would have to experience during the next decades of my life.

The first decade they kept me in solitary confinement; since 2007 I’m in population. But I don’t know if or when I’ll get free, because there’s an old law from 1933. Passed by the Nazis on 24 November 1933 – the P.D. law (preventative detention), which allows the state to keep someone in prison for life, without giving him a life sentence. In their theory the P.D. isn’t a sentence – but the P.D. units are still inside regular prisons, inmates living in cells, bars are still at their windows, they’re going into the prison yard and being supervised by prison staff.

What is P.D. for? What are prisons for? Prisons are necrophilic places. There are living people who often have necrophilic attitudes, and there are working people who have necrophilic attitude as well. P.D. and prisons are made for a necrophilic society, for people who often have necrophilic attitudes, and these places are still made by people who have necrophilic attitudes.

A biophilic attitude is the one we’re still fighting for and which is fulfilling our hearts.

Biophilia is the passionate love of and for life and all which is alive. It is the deepest desire to encourage the growth of humans, plants, an idea, or a social group. A biophilic person prefers to build something new instead of keeping the same old things. A biophilic person will be, instead of have, more.

The necrophilic character is attracted by everything which is dead (things, money…all these are ‘dead’), ill, moldering, and they try to transform everything which is alive into something which is dead. So they love laws, orders, discipline, more than liveliness, because they fear it.

So, every day, millions of inmates in the world’s dark, cold dungeons are getting tortured, separated from their loved ones and from the life outside the thick and high walls, based on modern or on old so-called “laws” of necrophile-capitalist societies.

It is necessary and indispensable to fight against this brutal system. It’s not a question that a lot of inmates have done really terrible acts – but they’re also ‘products’ of a necrophilic society. No one can learn to love life and freedom in necrophilic places, which prisons are!

Prisons have to be abolished! It will be a long road we have to walk together before we’ll live in a society without prisons. But we have to fight for it. Day by day, month by month, year by year.

Let me add something about my own current situation, because comrades asked me what they can do to help me. It is important that no inmate gets forgotten! Support them, write them postcards and letters, collect money. But the work shouldn’t end in supporting individuals. Because of the millions of inmates, no one can help all of them – the strategic struggle against prisons and the prison-society needs more than individual support.

Thank all of you for your attention, for your good will and your support!

No state! No prison! No borders!

Thomas Meyer-Falk
long-term inmate (since 1996)

in Greek

US prisons: June 11th statement by Michael Kimble

June 11, 2016

(A statement for the June 11th International Day of Solidarity with Long-Term Anarchist Prisoners)

First, I’d like to give warm revolutionary greetings to all those who have shown solidarity and supported me. Without that solidarity and support, I don’t know how I would have survived for so long.

As one who has spent 30 years in U.S. prisons, I’ve become intimately acquainted with control units, whether we call them Security Management Units, Special Housing Units, or Administrative Segregation – all euphemisms of penological sophistication in an attempt to disguise the true purpose and intent of such sinister tools of control and torture. Let’s be clear: they are torture chambers.

Former director of the Bureau of Prisons and now shareholder in the private prison firm GEO, Norman A. Carlson, stated that Marion’s control unit’s purpose is to “control revolutionary attitudes in prison and society” as well. Marion Federal Penitentiary is considered to be the first control unit in the U.S.

Now, across the globe, from Alabama to Colorado to Greece and beyond, control units are being established for those who refuse to conform to the regimen in prison and the normalcy of every life outside of prison, and most definitely for those who carry out revolutionary activities. Like the C-type prisons in Greece, designed explicitly for anarchist guerrillas. The design and intent is to minimize human contact through isolation and to exact an immense cost in human suffering.

In most control units, prisoners live in almost total isolation, far away from family and friends. It means restrictions on communications; censorship of incoming and outgoing mail and visits; constant harassment; and sadistic brutality from prison guards.

A few years ago it was reported that almost 36,000 human beings were housed in solitary confinement prisons in the U.S.

A study by the National Immigrant Justice Center and Physicians for Human Rights stated in their report that conditions of immigrant detainees placed in isolation not only endangered their health and safety, but also pressured them “to abandon their options for legal relief, their families, their communities, and often the only country they have ever known.” The study cites multiple examples of immigrant detainees who were placed in isolation solely because they belonged to “vulnerable populations,” such as being gay, bisexual, transgender, or mentally ill. Here in Alabama’s Holman prison segregation unit, three prisoners have committed suicide in the last eight months, and there have been numerous other attempts to commit suicide that were unsuccessful.

Most control units consist of cells without windows, to cause sensory deprivation and reduce visual stimulation, and those with windows are not able to be opened, causing stifling heat in the cells during the summer months.

On February 19, 2016, Albert “Shaka” Woodfox was released from prison after 44 years in solitary confinement. Woodfox was a prisoner who joined and co-established a chapter of the Black Panther Party at the notorious Angola prison in Louisiana in the 1970s and was charged with the murder of a prison guard. Woodfox is now 69 years old.

Hugo “Yogi Bear” Pinell was confined in California’s inhumane solitary confinement units for 43 years. He was recently murdered by white supremacists in collusion with prison guards after being released to general population on August 12, 2015. He had been a leader and prison rebel and a prime organizer of the Prison Movement in the 1960s and 1970s.

Whatever name they are called, control units’ primary purpose is control, to break the will and sanity of those who rebel and refuse to conform to an oppressive social order in or out of prison.

What we have to do is get angry and bring ourselves into direct confrontation with this most sinister aspect of the Prison Industrial Slave Komplex that is destroying human beings and suppressing revolutionary movements. We have to continue to do the million things we already do to attack the state, but we also have to be creative and create new ways of attacking the state and its institutions. Again, these institutions of the state are torture chambers designed to break and destroy the human will to rebel against that which oppresses them.

Shoutouts to all prison rebels and anarchists of action. Keep up the good fight!
Special shout to the Plateau Crew!

Fire to the prisons!

Michael Kimble
Dragon Cell
(Watch My Smoke)

in Turkish

Ohio, USA: Sean Swain incommunicado again

Received on September 15th:

We’re not sure what’s going on, but Sean Swain has been blocked from receiving (and presumably sending) JPay emails. He also has not called his primary supporters, or The Final Straw for a new radio segment. We’ll probably hear from him via snail mail sooner or later, but until then, we’ve got to assume he’s cut off.

When we called the prison, they told us he was not in the hole, and did not have any restrictions on his communication. We suspect they may have transferred him back to a 3B spot, undoing the success of our recent call-in effort. They refused to tell us what security level the block he is held in is on and they got surly and authoritarian when we asked.  It seems that the officers at Sean’s newest prison, Warren CI need to learn that their jobs are a whole lot easier when they don’t provoke anarchists from across the country to call and check in on the welfare of our friend who they hold captive.

WARREN CI: 513-932-3388

You can call Warren CI and ask the same questions we asked- why does Sean not have access to communication, what security level is he currently housed in, and does the JPay kiosk in his (or any Warren Unit) actually work right now? You can also leave Sean’s Case Manager a voicemail by punching extension 2281, or try and talk to deputy warden Robert Welch, who maybe got Sean moved from 3B to 3A a few weeks ago, he’s at ext 2005. Whatever lucky anarchist happens to be on the call when when of these officers breaks and spills the beans, please drop a line to AnarchistSwain [at] gmail [dot] com.

Sean doesn’t like when they fuck with his communication access. Being a writer, getting his voice out is one of the things that help Sean feel connected to the outside world. So he’s probably feeling alone and frustrated. Also, his birthday was Sept 12th, so if you haven’t written for a while, or missed sending him birthday wishes, please consider dropping a line and letting him (and the mailroom monkeys who have to read all his incoming communication) know that he is loved and missed.

Sean Swain
Warren CI
P.O. Box 120
5787 State Route 63
Lebanon, Ohio 45036

Current address, as of Aug 14, 2015

USA: Sean Swain’s twelve-page deposition to the courts

Intro Letter: 1, 2


In the State of Ohio
In the County of Scioto

I, Sean Swain, being duly sworn according to law, hereby depose to state:

1. I am competent to testify to the facts related herein, to which I have direct knowledge.

2. I write this declaration for filing in a pending civil rights action, as it appears that defendant prison officials are going to great lengths, including the creation of crises, in order to prevent my personal appearance before the federal court, a personal appearance that would ultimately expose the false characterizations of me that defendant prison officials have fostered in my absence.

On My Writing

3. I am a writer. I have always been a writer. When asked in school what I wanted to be, my answer was that I wanted to be what I already was: A writer. I stuttered as a child and as a consequence of that, I became painfully shy and very quiet. I was terrified to speak, for fear of ridicule. It is not easy to be different as a child. But, I could write. I could communicate on paper without stuttering, and I found that I was as good at it as anyone else—better than most, in fact.

4. When I eventually outgrew my stutter, I was still a stutterer on the inside. I always felt somewhat alien, different, and my writing became a refuge of sorts.

5. In high school, I ended up on the school paper—by accident. Paul Rogers was the school newspaper’s advisor, and he was also the owner of the local paper. Rogers was going to law school at the time to become a First Amendment lawyer. He became my mentor.

6. Paul Rogers taught that good journalism is “something to offend everyone.” It was the duty of the writer to challenge conventional thinking, to push people out of their intellectual comfort zones. I remember a poster over the desk of the local paper’s editor, featuring the faces of Adolf Hitler, Benito Mussolini, Josef Stalin, and the Ayatollah K[h]omeini. At the top, it read, “THE EXPERTS AGREE…,” and at the bottom: “…CENSORSHIP WORKS.”

7. Paul Rogers instilled in me the principle that the writer serves a very important role in society. The writer does not keep those in power honest, but instead makes those in power act honestly. That is, everyone wielding power is intent on reducing the population to slavery and tyranny, and it is only the eternal vigilance of the writer, acting as a check on that tyranny, that keeps any population free. The writer works in defense of human liberty against tyranny.

8. This orientation informed how I viewed my place in the world. My identity as a writer is inextricably tied to this principle, and it matters not where I am located, whether inside a prison or out. I am a writer. I often attempt to explain this by telling people that I am not this way because I am a writer; I am a writer because I AM this way.

9. I have been imprisoned since 1991. I am not an inmate or an offender or a criminal or a prisoner. I am a writer, a writer who happens to be in prison. The fact of my imprisonment, for me, is a matter of geography; I am on one side of a fence rather than the other. This in no way impacts who I am or what I do.

10. Raul Rogers also insisted that I learn the First Amendment. It was his firm belief that a writer had a duty to know the legal limits of his craft. As a consequence, Paul Rogers forced me to take and pass tests related to the First Amendment that he himself took in law school. As a consequence, at the age of 16, I could describe all of the limits of free speech and the exceptions to free speech, and the standards of review for those exceptions.

11. Upon coming to prison, before writing anything for publication, I applied what I knew of the First Amendment to determine the limits of prisoner protected speech, and how prisoner speech protections differed from persons in the free world, particularly related to political speech in a public forum. Given my predisposition and inability to compromise on matters of principle, and given the fact that those in power never appreciate writers, I fully anticipated that I would earn the animosity of my captors. I expected this. As a consequence, I made a particular effort to be rule-abiding in every way possible. I did this not because I necessarily agree with the rules or with the regimen or with the larger program that the rules serve, but I did so in a concerted effort to deprive my captors of easy excuses to subject me to punishments and thereby encroach on my ability to communicate. In other words, knowing that prison officials would want to “stick it to me,” I did not want to make the process of “sticking it to me” a justifiable one.

12. In school, teachers on several occasions wanted to accelerate me through to a higher grade. By the process proposed to my parents, I would have graduated at age 13. My mom refused to accelerate me, as school also involved social learning which is best done when children are with others of their same age. But, at any rate, by the testing conducted at that time, and by the testing conducted by the U.S. military later, I was told that my I.Q. is approximately 137. Also, every Minnesota Multi-Phasic Personality Inventory Test I have ever taken demonstrates that I am “normal” in all scales, indicating I do not suffer from any kind of psychological dysfunction. I apply my intellect and reason to being meticulous about abiding by all prison rules and malting sure my writing and other communication conforms to the strict standards of First Amendment protection. Again, I do this not because I appreciate or agree with my captors, but to deprive them of legitimate cause to “get me.”

13. I do not conform to U.S. Supreme Court precedents related to prisoner speech because I believe the Supreme Court “got it right,” or because I think those limits to be the appropriate limits of free speech. I do it because I am a writer, and writers write; and for me to continue writing, to continue speaking truth to power, to continue doing what I believe to be an important job that is a benefit to the social order, I cannot allow my captors, my adversaries, my enemies, the excuse to shut down my communications. So, it is in this light that my conformity to the First Amendment must be absolute at all times.

My Writing in Prison

14. In the 1990s, I wrote reports for Catholic Justice Fellowship which prompted the Ohio Catholic Conference to support parole reform legislation. I was Secretary of Catholic Justice Fellowship until it was forcibly disbanded by the ODRC [Ohio Department of Rehabilitation and Correction] for its effective lobbying and outreach. I was a member of the Advisory Board for Citi[z]ens United for the Rehabilitation of Errants, and my writings appeared regularly in their newsletter, “Against All Odds.” In 2002, I was personally honored by Rosa Parks, who nominated me for placement on the Wall of Tolerance for my peace work in prison.

15. While I was subject to irregular treatment, it was not until 2008 that prison officials directly targeted my writings and subjected me to disciplinary action explicitly for writing. In that instance, prison officials targeted my writings and attributed to me a passage that appears nowhere in my writings, alleging that this passage (that I did not write) equated with encouraging a work stoppage. The written work in question, FREEDOM, now appears online at seanswain.org.

16. Prison officials attempted to send me to supermaximum security for writing a passage that provably appears nowhere in my writings. I was subjected instead to irregular conditions in segregation for 70 days.

17. In 2009, when my writings went online at seanswain.org, I was irregularly placed on the prison “gang” list. Later, in 2012, prison officials subjected me to torture as punishment for my writing of an article that exposed the illegality of JPay policy. In their first story, prison officials admitted to targeting me for what amounts to protected speech until I retained counsel, at which time prison officials then un-admitted what they had already admitted. After torturing me, my captors sent me to Ohio’s super-maximum security prison, alleging no less than six times that I was “violent,” despite any reference to a single act of violence.

18. I contend that “torture” is violence.

19. After I went to the supermax, friends invited me to participate in The Final Straw radio show, where I provide a five-minute segment, weekly. Prison officials then blocked my phone communication and thereby blocked my participation in the radio show for 8 weeks. Afterward, prison officials attempted to justify this obstruction by claiming that I engaged in three (3) instances of misconduct, all of which provably never occurred, and none of which were in any way related to phone use, while my radio segments were.

20. Upon learning of a YouTube project that I planned, prison officials blocked my video visits. In a court hearing, prison officials alleged that I engaged in misconduct for which, in reality, I had never been so much as accused, and prison officials misrepresented the video visit feature in several determinative ways in order to get the court to affirm prison officials’ ban on my video visits.

21. Beginning May 5, 2015, all of my outgoing communication was blocked. I was later accused of rule violations which are not supported by the facts presented in the conduct report. I was found guilty of a non-existent “threat” as justification to block all of my communications indefinitely.

22. I have experienced a pattern of prison officials falsely accusing me of non-existent “violence” and non-existent “threats” in order to justify blocking my communications. The speech that prison officials target de facto conforms to all U.S. Supreme Court conditions for First Amendment protections. As a consequence of these abuses, prison officials, now with the approval of the federal courts, abuse their authority to make me cease to exist as a social being beyond prison walls. I am, in a social sense, being forced out of existence. This is a kind of social assassination. As I am a writer, and as writers write, being forced to silence is, in essence, being forced out of existence. A writer who no longer writes, who can no longer transmit writings to others, is a non-being.

23. I am a writer. I do not know how to be anything else. Despite my meticulous adherence to all U.S. Supreme Court precedents regarding protected speech, I am silenced anyway. That silence appears to be permanent.

24. As prison officials’ targeting of my writing is now partly justified by the targeting of my “ideology,” I believe it is important for me to also address what my ideology is, in some detail, so that I may disspell the mischaracterizations put forward by prison official defendants.

My Ideology

25. My “ideology,” or, more accurately, what prison officials perceive my “ideology” to be, has been the central crux of state agents’ efforts to target and silence my communication. As point of fact, I do not believe that I possess an “ideology”—at least, not in the way an ideology is most commonly understood.

26. At one time, I possessed an “ideology.” When, in the 1990s, when I was a self-identifying liberal democrat, or later, a socialist, I viewed the world through a specific prism of ideas, and I had the tendency of forcing the reality I viewed to conform to the ideas, rather than modifying my thinking to conform to the reality I faced. I then possessed an ideology, a prism of ideas that influenced how I understood the world.

27. I have since abandoned systems of “belief,” or ideologies. I now accept as fact that which I cannot disprove. I approach questions of social and political organization in the same way I would approach other things of importance. I accept that gravity is true, for instance; and I accept that the earth is round rather than flat. I accept the earth revolves around the sun. These are truths I cannot disprove and I must accept them, however it is I may feel about those truths. So, I reveal in the subsections that follow, the “proofs” that I must accept because I cannot disprove them, regarding social and political organization.


28. All modern political ideologies make reference to “freedom.” Most often, the “freedoms” that any given party present are merely a list of priorities to conflict with another party’s priorities of freedoms. In contrast, I find it important to define what freedom is. I borrow the definition presented by Ward Churchill, that freedom is “the absence of external regulation.” In the absence of external regulation, one is “free” to make one’s own choices; there exists no “external” regulator to impose upon the individual. It stands to reason then, that where “external regulation” exists, there is an absence of freedom, and to the degree that external regulation occurs, there is less freedom.

29. I value freedom, the absence of external regulation. I seek freedom. Any compromise of freedom, any acceptance of “external regulation,” results in a state that is not freedom, but a state of varying degrees of slavery.

30. Because freedom and external regulation are opposites, this can be expressed in a kind of graph. We can imagine an absolute point, “freedom, the absence of external regulation,” and also an opposing point, “absolute external regulation, absence of freedom.” These absolute points would then be connected by a line that represents the continuum between these two absolute states: 31. By this illustration, “freedom” and “external regulation” are opposites, opposing forces, and the interplay between these opposing forces is represented by the line connecting them. The more freedom and less external regulation, the closer one is to the absolute point of freedom; the less freedom and more external regulation one experiences, the closer one is to the absolute point on the opposite end of the spectrum.

32. This, to me, is not so much an “ideology” as it is a simple truism.

33. Having established this truism, the implications follow: That which “externally regulates” is an external regulator, a thing that regulates that is external to the individual being regulated. To regulate is to govern.

34. Most common, in human affairs, that which we understand as an external regulator we refer to as “government.” It matters not who does the governing or how that authority to govern is established. It can be a shepherd who kills a giant with a slingshot or a peasant who pulls a sword from a rock; the son of an oil magnate appointed by his father’s minions or a community activist promising change and hope. Whoever it is that runs it, and however it is that it operates, that thing that regulates us is called “government.”

35. Revisiting the graph, we can substitute words. Freedom is “the absence of government,” which is an external regulator; the opposite of freedom is “absolute government.” To be regulated is to be governed, and to be free is to experience the absence of external regulation or government. Now, in view of this, we see that freedom and government are opposites, opposing forces. Where government exists, less freedom exists; where freedom exists, there is an absence of government.

36. That political philosophy that advocates for absolute freedom, the absence of external regulation or government, is most-often referred to as “anarchism.” Only an anarchist, one who opposes the existence of government, occupies the absolute extreme, “freedom.” On the opposite end of the spectrum, those who advocate for a complete absence of freedom, the transcendence of government, are called “fascists.” That political construct where the State is central and all human freedoms are subsumed by the existence of the State is called “Fascism.” All other political philosophies, composed of some compromise between the two forces of freedom and government, occupy the continuum between these two extreme points.

37. I accept this to be true, not because of how I feel about this information, but because I am unable to disprove it. I accept the truth of what I have presented here for the same reason I accept gravity, the shape of the earth, and its trajectory around the sun. Freedom and government are opposites. As I seek freedom, as an absolute, for myself and others, I am opposed to the existence of an external regulator, government. I occupy the extreme point, “freedom.” Freedom, then, is my “ideology.” The word “anarchist” is used by the slaves who occupy every point of non-freedom on the spectrum to describe me. Continue reading USA: Sean Swain’s twelve-page deposition to the courts

Chilean prisons: Subversive prisoners go on hunger strike, in solidarity with anarchist hunger strikers Juan, Nataly and Guillermo

Comrades, we inform:

That as subversives who inhabit the High Security Prison (CAS in Santiago), from 00:00 today, May 18th 2015, we join the hunger strike that Juan Flores, Guillermo Duran and Nataly Casanova have assumed as a form of struggle.

We do this with a deep sense of anti-prison solidarity, and we put forward the same demands as our comrades, who have already completed 34 days on hunger strike:

– The immediate release of Enrique Alfonso Guzmán Amadeo, taking into consideration the ridiculous accusation and delirious evidence presented by the public prosecutor.

– We demand the immediate solution to the situation of our compañera Nataly Antonieta Casanova Muñoz, because since her arrival at the penitentiary of San Miguel she finds herself in a regime of punishment and severe isolation.

– We demand an end to harassment and persecutions that the repressive forces have unleashed against our closest environment.

– That the scientific validity of DNA evidence be established.


Against Every Authority: Social War.

Combatant Youth, Permanent Insurrection
So Long As Misery Exists, There Will Be Rebellion

Marcelo Villarroel
Freddy Fuentevilla
Carlos Gutiérrez
Juan Aliste
Alejandro Astorga
Hans Niemeyer
Alfredo Canales

High Security Prison
Santiago, Chile

in Spanish | Greek  Italian

Chile: Hunger Strike Update

previous related post

On April 20th 2015, it became known that anarchist prisoner Enrique Guzmán has also been on hunger strike since April 14th.

Anarchists Nataly Casanova (under isolation in San Miguel women’s prison), Juan Flores (in Wing 1 of Santiago 1 prison), Guillermo Duran (in total house arrest) and Enrique Guzmán (in Wing 35 of Santiago 1 prison) are on hunger strike (on liquids only), demanding:

• the determination of the validity of DNA “evidence” submitted against them, taking into consideration all scientific aspects and not only the tendentious arguments of the prosecution;

• an end to harassments, abductions, interrogations of people who stand in solidarity with the incarcerated comrades;

• an end to harassments, assaults, disciplinary sanctions against Juan and Nataly or any other prisoner in struggle;

• the immediate release of Enrique Guzmán, incarcerated for being close to the comrades implicated in this case and for regularly visiting them in prison;

• the immediate transfer of Nataly Casanova from solitary confinement to a wing/tower where she will be able to have contact/relationship with other inmates and more time in the prison yard.

In his hunger strike initiation statement, Enrique Guzmán added one more request:

• an immediate end to the home confinement regime imposed on Guillermo Duran, against whom no evidence whatsoever has been presented during the course of this investigation.

Chile: Anarchists Juan Flores, Nataly Casanova and Guillermo Duran declare hunger strike

Anarchist comrades Juan, Nataly and Guillermo were arrested in Santiago on September 18th 2014.

Juan is held in pretrial detention in the Santiago 1 prison, accused of involvement in two bomb attacks that occurred on July 13th and September 8th 2014, and were claimed by the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (Chile); he’s also charged with participation in a coordinated attack against two police stations on August 11th 2014 that was claimed by C.I.V (International Conspiracy for Revenge).

Nataly is held in pretrial detention in San Miguel prison, accused of participation in the July 13th bomb attack and possession of explosives.

Guillermo is under full house arrest, charged with possession of explosives in relation to the same case.

On April 1st 2015, the three comrades released their first open letter by which they embrace the call for solidarity days with the prisoners of social war in Chile (between the 10th and 20th of April), which was initiated by the rebellious prisoners Tamara Sol Farías Vergara, Alejandro Astorga Valdés, Carlos Gutierrez Quiduleo, Juan Aliste Vega, Freddy Fuentevilla Saa, Hans Niemeyer Salinas, Marcelo Villarroel Sepúlveda, Alfredo Canales Moreno, and also supported by the recently remanded comrades Natalia Collado and Javier Pino.

On April 6th 2015, Enrique Guzmán – a close friend and comrade of Juan, Nataly and Guillermo – was arrested and a few days later sent to pretrial detention, accused of participation in the aforementioned coordinated attack against two police stations. At the same time, the cops have reportedly harassed several supporters of theirs, going so far as to (literally) abduct another compa in the middle of a street.

Juan, Nataly and Guillermo are currently on hunger strike, demanding:
– the immediate release of compañero Enrique Guzmán;
– an end to assaults and disciplinary sanctions towards prisoners in struggle;
– the immediate transfer of compañera Nataly Casanova from solitary confinement to an “ordinary” prison wing;
– an end to harassment of people who stand in solidarity with incarcerated comrades;
– an end to DNA-based prosecutions.

Below are their hunger strike initiation statements that we originally received in Spanish in the early hours of April 15th 2015.

“this is our clear response repudiating and spitting unhesitatingly at the last repressive blow against our close ones”

This is our response to the harassment of Power and its repressive forces against our solidarian circle, relatives, friends and comrades. They are being subjected daily to persecutions, intimidation, harassment, assaults and kidnappings by the cops; in the face of all this clearly because of our criteria and furthermore our conviction it’s impossible for us to sit idly by.

Thus, as of April 14th 2015, we initiate a mobilisation as a form of protest and in response to the emotional blackmail that we are suffering by Power and its repressive institutions. We turn our discontent into practice in an unsubmissive manner, as is our essence in general, using our body as a barricade and initiating the paralysation of our activities and a hunger strike by taking only liquids on the inside, demanding:

– The immediate release of Enrique Alfonso Guzmán Amadeo, taking into consideration the ridiculous accusation and delirious evidence presented by the public prosecutor.

– That the scientific validity of DNA evidence be established. Is there a real certainty of its use being 100% accurate and precise in order to incriminate? Principally there is no scientific certainty of DNA analysis, especially when there are samples with biological traits of several people, while the prosecutor’s office makes use of this evidence as proof of great weight when in fact it is not, and especially the way they have set the evidence in our case tries to have us believe that the biological record that was left behind after an explosion is extremely valid and accurate, even when geneticists and criminologists have discarded its validity and quality.

– We demand an end to harassment and persecution that the repressive forces have unleashed against our closest environment, wanting to achieve intimidation and criminalisation against those who have not hesitated to manifest their love and active, unconditional solidarity. Clear evidence of this harassment is the incarceration of our comrade Enrique [currently in pretrial detention] – who having nothing to hide or deny decided to assist us regularly, visiting us at the various centres of torture and extermination – as well as the abduction of a friend [now released], whom they grabbed by the neck and put by force in a car on a public street.

We demand this cessation of harassment both outside and inside the penitentiaries, since my compañera Nataly and I are being punished daily by the Chilean gendarmerie [prison guards]; clearly our response has not been submissive, and that has cost us several sanctions and assaults, but we clearly intend to meet each other again within the prison instance.

– We demand an immediate solution to the situation of our compañera Nataly Antonieta Casanova Muñoz, because since her arrival at the prison in San Miguel she finds herself in a disciplinary regime and severe isolation, and the screws ignore the requirement for her transfer to another wing, leaving our compañera in a “prison limbo”. We demand the immediate transfer of our compañera to a wing/tower where she will be able to have contact/relationship with other inmates and more hours in the yard, because since arriving there she has only had an hour of yard time, this being a conduct/protocol completely irregular.


Juan Alexis Flores Riquelme
1st Wing, Santiago 1 prison


Since Monday, April 13th 2015, I have started a hunger strike through the ingestion of liquids (only drinking water) against the reprisals of state apparatuses to our closest environment (relatives and friends). Fed up with the deliriums of prosecutors in the southern zone and the lies of the prosecutor Raúl Guzmán, in their media, attempting to incriminate Enrique Guzmán in order to incorporate him in the rotten course that has allowed the initiation and continuation of his investigation (spectacle, persecutions, harassments, threats and even abduction of a friend by plainclothes cops).

We put our consciousness, affectionate ties and ideas against this play of Power, rejecting the imposition of their antiterrorist or whatever laws, because their legislation solely defends their order of privileges and parasitic lives.

Here, within their prison walls, we are neither defeated nor alone, as they claim; we continue to be unsubmissive, free and dignified, fighting anew with our body as a weapon against those who wish to cage and bury struggle, dignity, love and solidarity under the concrete.

We demand:

– The immediate release of our brother, friend and compañero Enrique Guzmán, incarcerated for being close to us and for visiting us in prison.

– An end to persecutions, harassments, abductions and interrogations of our family members and friends, for being those who support us in this situation; because Power is seeking to isolate us.

– We also demand the end of harassment by jailers against all prisoners who are facing this place with dignity; every beating and humiliation will always have an answer, none of us is alone. I stress the increasingly violent harassment and cell raids against my compañero Juan Flores, and that I find myself in a similar situation.

– Their DNA evidence have no scientific validity due to the scarcity and quality of the samples, and that goes for the variety of available biological mixtures, too, as these may coincide with many individuals, and such are the proofs presented by prosecutors as their best evidence. We demand the determination of the validity of DNA evidence through an analysis of methods and samples; considering all scientific aspects, not only the tendentious accusation of prosecutors.

– On a personal level, I let everyone close to me and those who are not indifferent to confinement know that, for 7 months that I have been in preventive detention, I am being held in severe isolation with only 1 hour in the yard a day, without any recreational activity, apart from those that I’m providing myself; so, under this regime, I’m being denied any workshop or recreational activity available in the penitentiary with the excuse that we are very few inmates in our wing. I live with only one inmate/prisoner, sometimes with more, but all are rotated, being myself the only one that’s kept in this unstable situation. Due to the above, I demand the immediate change of wing.



Nataly Casanova Muñoz
San Miguel women’s prison


To relatives, friends and comrades. To public knowledge.

On April 14th 2015, at midnight, I begin a hunger strike by taking liquids (only drinking water) for the fulfillment of the demands that I indicate below. This is a means of struggle and solidarity, by which we put our health and life at risk. This decision was motivated by recent occurrences that have struck our close environment; Enrique’s arrest, persecution and harassment of our close and solidarian circle, aggression and punishment exercised by the prison guards towards Nataly and Juan. Finally, a whole tangle of machinations exerted by Power and its apparatuses (the Press, prosecutors, cops, etc.), aiming at halting the effective solidarity with our incarcerated comrades.

I know that situations like this are not new, both in this country and in different parts of the world; we/I take examples of struggle wherever these exist, that’s why today and within my rather limited possibilities, I decide to abstain from solid foods in solidarity with my brothers and sisters. We/I carry out this struggle against those who say they practice law and make decisions for the good of society, trumpeting equality before the law, when their own laws and society have been forged by the inequality that reigns under the domination of capitalism.

I cannot stay inert and passive in the face of this repressive context that today strikes my brothers and sisters, so I stand in solidarity with the indefinite hunger strike until our demands are met:

– the immediate release of our brother and compañero Enrique Guzmán Amadeo, arrested and kidnapped by the State, only thanks to the delirious imagination of prosecutors and their yearning to suppress solidarity towards unsubmissive prisoners.

– no more harassment and aggression against Juan and Nataly by prison guards; and, additionally, the cessation of persecution and intimidation towards family members, friends and solidarian people by the State, its prosecutors and cops.

– a solution to the prison situation of Nataly Casanova, compañera held in severe isolation from the beginning of her preventive detention (September 23rd 2014), having only one hour of yard time, and being denied the possibility of coexistence with other inmates who are not being punished, or access to activities of recreation and apprenticeship (workshops, etc.). We demand her immediate transfer to another wing in which this humiliating situation be remedied.

– the scientific clarification of the validity of DNA evidence. That the validity of the analysis method and the accuracy of its results be taken into account, depending on the quality and composition of the samples. Today these DNA proofs are used as the main incriminating evidence in the case, even though both their origin and quality are far from the purported scientific certainty that the prosecutor’s office intends to give to these “magnificent” proofs.

Only struggle and solidarity deliver what is negated by the State; it’s only in this way that we can confront this world con$tructed by and for them.

Guillermo Duran Méndez
In total house arrest

related posts in Greek: 1, 2

Greece: Tension in Domokos maximum security prison

March 25th 2015 at approximately 13:00 local time

Another prisoner in Domokos has been killed at the hands of the State.

A prisoner of Pakistani origin in Domokos type C prison requested to be transferred to a hospital but instead he was taken from the E2 wing and placed in disciplinary isolation. He reportedly committed suicide in the disciplinary unit cell.

It is the second state murder in Domokos prisons after the SYRIZA party took over and Nikos Paraskevopoulos was appointed justice minister (on February 3rd 2015, a prisoner in Domokos died due to medical negligence).

Currently, there is tension in the E1 wing of type C prison, in which the comrades Nikos Maziotis (on hunger strike since 2/3), Yannis Naxakis and Christos Rodopoulos are being held. Prisoners have taken down the surveillance cameras, and generally, caused extensive damage to the E1 wing of Domokos maximum security prison.

Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters

Lamia, Greece: Kostas Gournas, on hunger strike since 2/3, currently hospitalised

Solidarity with Urban Guerrillas (A)

Since yesterday, March 23rd, anarchist prisoner on hunger strike Kostas Gournas (convicted Revolutionary Struggle member) has been moved from the type C maximum security prison of Domokos to the provincial hospital in Lamia, where the conditions are indescribably appalling, the prisoners are placed in isolation room-cells, and communication with them becomes difficult if not impossible.

In a brief telephone conversation just before his transfer, the comrade said: “The Ministry of Justice urges us to stop the hunger strike and rely on them… How much ‘reliability’ their commitments have as part of this government is demonstrated every day as they rip out the Memorandum and the implementation laws, cancel the ENFIA single property tax, and request a write-off of a large part of the debt… I only rely on the struggle. I continue the hunger strike.”

source: athens imc

Lamia, Greece: Dimitris Koufontinas, on hunger strike since 2/3, currently hospitalised

Since yesterday morning, March 21st, hunger striker Dimitris Koufontinas (convicted 17N member) has been transferred from the type C maximum security prison of Domokos to the provincial hospital in Lamia, where he’s being held in a room-cell with no window. In addition to the miserable conditions, it becomes difficult, if not impossible, for supporters to communicate with any prisoner who may find themselves moved to this hospital.

source: athens imc

Germany: Support rebellious prisoner Rainer Loehnert, punished with solitary confinement following escape attempt

Below is a text (see German version here) about Rainer’s situation. He is currently held in isolation in a forensic psychiatric institution in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany. Last summer, he participated in a solidarity hunger strike for the prisoners’ struggles in Greece. He recently attempted to escape from the psychiatric facility.

Run, Man, Run! — An Attempt to Escape from a Place of Annihilation

At the end of January, Rainer Loehnert attempted to escape from a forensic psychiatric institution. Unfortunately his attempt failed, and since then he is detained in the isolation unit inside the closed psychiatric facility; thus, a prison within a prison.

Rainer is 53 years old and he is imprisoned for more than 28 years, currently in a forensic psychiatric institution in Bedburg-Hau, a small town in the north-west of Germany, near the German-Dutch border. But he doesn’t give up the fight for (his) freedom!

Rainer had participated in a solidarity hunger strike for the prisoners’ struggles in Greece (more info: en, gr, de).

And now he has acted according to his own motto: “Anarchy and total liberation is not for free!” (from a letter of Rainer, at the end of January 2015). So, he has once again faced up squarely to the “pigs in white” and took his life in his own hands. He didn’t want to await another humiliating psychological assessment, which certifies his “dangerousness” and “mental illness” at regular intervals. And this happens whether he is playing by their rules or rebelling against the “treatment” in captivity. A part of this perverse assessment says that the state/society deems it proper to lock Rainer away even for life: “You are a dangerous man, Mister Loehnert!” Also the filling with medicines is extremely important to the fascistic masterminds behind the scenes and to the nursing and medical staff. The harmful side effects (of the medicines) are “good” to be integrated into the “therapy,” or they are again treated with other medications. It is not surprising that he writes again and again that he doesn’t know for how much longer he will hold on or survive. As recently as January, shortly before his attempted escape, there was another dead person in this forensic psychiatric clinic: “nursed to death”!

For more than one month now, Rainer is held in isolation, and this means:
– being isolated from other inmates 24 hours a day (he only gets to see nurses);
– no walking in the yard (and even if he’s allowed to go to the yard, then only in handcuffs and legcuffs);
– his personal belongings were confiscated, and the remaining food items were trashed;
– own clothes are forbidden, just the hospital gown (known as “angel gown”) on the body;
– one cigarette three times a day;
– only one felt-tip pen, paper;
– restricted postal mail (he has to apply to the administration in advance, if he wants to receive a parcel);
– four surveillance cameras in his cell, at night with infrared;
– ceiling-mount loudspeaker;
– in mid-February, he wrote that he has received at least a couple of books.

Rainer will have to face a further trial, but he keeps his head up. They don’t get him down! And with his letters he puts a smile on our lips again and again, and encourages us. In his latest letter he continues: “… it’s a long way to go until a group is causing a revolt or an insurrection; in Germany the system and the psychological and economic constraints are really deep down inside people, it takes time, [but] it is possible[;] I know that!”

Still, we won’t leave Rainer alone. We want to fight together against this shitty and truly sickening prison-society. If you want to join the effort, you can write to Rainer, send him some money, annoy/attack psychiatric institutions and/or other forms of prison or whatever comes to your mind to sabotage this civilization that’s hostile to every living being.

His address:
Rainer Loehnert
Bahnstraße 6, 47551 Bedburg-Hau (Germany)

Solidarity and powerful greetings to Rainer!

Freedom for Rainer!
Freedom for all!
Death to every authoritarian society!

– anti-authoritarian accomplices –

Ferrara prison: Alfredo Cospito back in the high security section, Graziano Mazzarelli in isolation

Sunday, March 1st 2015
Update from the AS2 section of Ferrara prison

We send a few lines of our latest news to complete the sequence of events.

On February 28th, Alfredo returned from isolation. On the same day, Graziano was taken away.

It’s the consequence of a disciplinary report that we all (Adriano, Fra, Graziano, Lucio, Michele, Nicola) received in the days following our protest. We are accused of having, on the 13th, 14th and 15th of February, insulted the guards and of (hear this out) “disorders and rioting” (article 77 of the regulation for the execution of penitentiary sanctions).

An all too generously strong accusation, of which we can be proud of though. Therefore, after the usual “little process” – that is, the disciplinary council consisting of the director, chief warden, physician and various heads of the prison – we were all sentenced to 15 days of “exclusion from common activities.” The punishment will be put in place in periods and ways most convenient to prison logistics. We do not know if we will be moved to solitary confinement cells every 15 days one at a time, but we know that in the coming months each of us will end up in disciplinary detention for two weeks.

Meanwhile Gianluca and Franco were transferred here from Alessandria prison. So, at the moment, we are nine in six cells.

A hug to Graziano!

The anarchist comrades from the AS2 section of Ferrara prison.

Source: Informa-azione.info

Francesco Porcu
Gianluca Iacovacci
Lucio Alberti
Graziano Mazzarelli
Francesco Sala
Adriano Antonacci
Alfredo Cospito
Nicola Gai
Michele Fabiani

Casa Circondariale, via Arginone 327, ΙΤ-44122 Ferrara (Italy)

Italian prisons: Anarchist prisoner Alfredo Cospito held in isolation

Isolation, disciplinary reports, and protests in the AS2 section of Ferrara prison:

On February 13th, having spoken to one of the imprisoned comrades in the high security section of Ferrara prison over the telephone, we learned that Alfredo Cospito was punished with isolation, following an altercation with a guard. The measure of punitive isolation (article 14-bis of the penitentiary regulation) was put in place two days ago, while another comrade in the AS2 section has received a disciplinary report for the same incident with the screw. The other prisoners protested against what happened, and intend to continue their protest until the isolation of Alfredo is suspended.

On February 14th, Alfredo was hurriedly moved to another section of Ferrara prison, where he has no contact with other prisoners —neither with those in the AS2 wing, nor with inmates in others sections. The other comrades held in the special wing have their sociability suspended and are banned from meeting each other.

Spanish | Greek | Portuguese | French

Greece: Words from Angeliki Sotiropoulou as regards the new type C prison in Domokos

Once again—as expected, of course—the state and the media of deception are trying to sow fear and terror. All prisons in Greece, other than the agricultural ones, are and have always been maximum-security facilities. Especially the basement in Koridallos women’s prison, where the ‘17 November’ case prisoners have lived over the last twelve and a half years, is demonstrably the most heavily guarded section. Therefore, they have established isolation prisons, rather than maximum-security prisons. Outside a state of rights, they want to make these prisoners invisible. All arguments of the extreme right-wingers who passed and applied the respective law are based on deceit and lies. Christodoulos Xiros [recaptured on January 3rd] did not escape from any prison, no matter if they invoke security reasons or gaps. He left his house. We are thus faced with an outright vindictiveness towards political enemies and mainly a vulgar political exploitation for cheap communication purposes. The new pre-election TV ad of the extreme right-winger Samaras identifies the jihadists with fighters of armed counter-violence organizations, showing the real reasons for the creation of these prisons, as well as their huge panic. I wonder: where else does fascism originate from? Over there—I mean Domokos prison—nothing has changed; all is as it was before, just like at every other prison. All they did differently is discover after twelve and a half years that suddenly these people have become dangerous—one of them is 72 years old—and took them away from their families, as much as possible for the time being, to inflict more problems upon them. We endure it; they might as well send us to the borders.

Words from the former political prisoner Angeliki Sotiropoulou—companion of Dimitris Koufontinas, who is currently held in the type C prison of Domokos—broadcasted during an internet radio show (January 15th, 2015)

Veria, Northern Greece: Action against maximum security prisons

On the morning of December 30th, 2014, they transferred comrade Nikos Maziotis to the type C prison in Domokos in an attempt to officially commence its operations.

Reflexively, the same day at evening, we vandalized the Legal Council of State–Veria’s Judicial Office with paint and slogans sprayed, and sabotaged four bank ATMs.


Greece: Anarchist comrade Nikos Maziotis transferred to the new type C prison in Domokos

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis contacted a comrade, letting everyone know that today, December 30th, 2014 he was transferred from Diavata prison to the type C maximum-security prison in Domokos. The comrade is locked up in a prison wing alone, but his morale remains strong.



Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners
& imprisoned and prosecuted fighters

in spanish, portuguese

[German prisons] Thomas Meyer-Falk – A contribution to the 2014 Anti-Prison Days in Vienna

Many of us are spontaneously and long since aware of it: prisons are places of ethical, humane, moral and cultural decay. There is no desire for life, freedom, humaneness conveyed there but instead the guards and any other staff treat the detainees as dead objects; they manage people as piece goods in a storehouse.

So prisons are necrophiliac places.

It was only a few weeks ago that a prison inmate – who was kept in solitary confinement for a couple of years after having broken a guard’s nose with a headbutt in 2012 – was starved to death in Germany.

Koala Rosmane was only 33 years old; he came from Burkina Faso, where he had been forcibly recruited as a child soldier.

After his death, a lawyer brought charges against the competent administration of the detention facility, as a right-wing extremist network was operating on the inside. Surprisingly the prison director, Thomas Müller, was suspended after the death of Koala Rosmane. They had knowingly let him die (in Bruchsal prison).

This may illustrate what we are supposed to imagine under a necrophiliac place.

What we set against that is our love for freedom, life, diversity and colourfulness. Certainly the fight for freedom also means to make sacrifices because the state power will do anything to retain further control.

Freedom is not given; we need to take it, fight for it and defend it.

Whenever they put us in their prisons, trying to silence us by all means, a solidarity movement outside the prison walls is vital for our survival.

For life and freedom!

Thomas Meyer-Falk
currently held at JVA Freiburg

source: antiknasttage2014 via machorka

* the Anti-Prison Days take place in Vienna between the 7th and 9th of November 2014

Italian prisons: Strike of anarchist prisoners in solidarity with Graziano Mazzarelli

Since Monday, September 1st, comrade Chiara Zenobi, NO TAV prisoner who is currently held in Rebibbia prison in Rome, has been on yard strike, refusing to go out on scheduled yard time, to protest against the isolation imposed on Graziano Mazzarelli, anarchist kept in solitary confinement at Borgo San Nicola prison in Lecce since his arrest, almost two months ago, who is charged in the same case (attack on the TAV worksite in Chiomonte in the night between the 13th and 14th of May 2013).

On August 3rd, Graziano was moved to another individual cell, which made his situation even worse. The cells next to his are empty, and he is meant to go out alone in a messy yard. Furthermore his letters are stolen by jailers on a weekly basis, and the simplest daily needs, such as washing dirty clothes, are continuously hindered or delayed.

Chiara’s refusal to go to the yard continues as long as Graziano is subjected to solitary confinement, a regime desired by both the prison administration in Lecce and the Turin prosecutors who, as often happens in such cases, are shifting the responsibility to each other.

Since the morning of September 9th, comrades Niccolò Blasi and Mattia Zanotti have been on yard strike, too, while Claudio Alberto joined them on the morning of September 10th. According to recent updates, also comrades Lucio Alberti and Francesco Sala will carry out similar forms of protest against the isolation inflicted on Graziano.

A call is made to support the initiative of solidarity with Graziano and put pressure on those responsible for this treatment, namely prosecutors Rinaudo and Padalino as well as the prison director in Lecce, Rita Russo, by sending faxes to the prosecutor office in Turin (0114327453) and the prison in Lecce (0832387496). A fax model can be found here in pdf format.

Below are the prison addresses of the 7 anarchists co-accused in the TAV yard attack case:

Francesco Sala
C.C. Via Palosca, 2 – 26100 Cremona, Italia

Lucio Alberti
C.C. Via Cassano Magnago, 102 – 21052 Busto Arsizio (Varese), Italia

Graziano Mazzarelli
C.C. via Paolo Perrone, 4, Borgo San Nicola – 73100 Lecce, Italia

Niccolò BlasiMattia Zanotti
C.C. San Michele strada Casale, 50/A – 15121 Alessandria, Italia

Claudio Alberto
C.C. Via dell’Arginone, 327 – 44100 Ferrara, Italia

Chiara Zenobi
C.C. “Rebibbia” Via Bartolo Longo, 92 – 00156 Roma, Italia