Category Archives: Analysis

[Portugal]”No one who doesn’t want your total liberation can be considered your ally”

NO ONE DOES NOT WANT YOUR TOTAL LIBERATION CAN BE CONSIDERED YOUR ALLY

If we do not extend the critique of fascism to democracy, capitalism, prisons, homelands, patriarchy, property, speciesism and any regime that involves being governed: we are condemning ourselves to a unique historical entanglement that only will eventually stop give way to an uninhabitable planet. The social democrats who are electoralists they are too comfortable – condemning the atrocities of the right and hiding their own – simply want to be on the streets and in government at the same time.

Authoritarian regimes gain ground quickly and efficiently because the goals they pursue are mediocre: there is no complexity in subjecting others through guns, taxes, lies, and propaganda – 90% of political projects are compromised with this (all necessary infrastructure is already built and functioning).

In reality, no one who treats you as a doctrinal mass, no one who understands the struggle as a victimizing hobby and alien to your creative and offensive ability, no one who does not want your total liberation can be considered ally.

Anarchists

in pdf here

in portuguese l spanish

Hambacher Forst – peaceful resistance?

received  27.09.18

The Hambacher Forst is in the focus of the media, since Thursday 13.09. is a major police operation inclusive SEK (Special Deployment Commando) evicting the tree houses. There are different ways of resistance, but especially the left press and NGO’s like to report about non violent protest, to claim it for themselves. In our report we want to focus on militance, but we don’t see it as the only important part of the protest. Here follows a chronic of militance, resistance and repression in Hambacher Forst. Of course this chronic is not complete, because many actions are done by small groups and we only know about the actions, that where told to us.

Since 13.09. a few thousand cops are nonstop in the forest, to finally evict and destroy all of the tree houses. But the eviction of the forest and the preparation for it started way earlier. In August, there was a call on the Hambi blog to prepare for the eviction. In the call was assumed, that the eviction is planned between 22.08. and 22.09.2018. Because of this many activists came to the forest, to fight against the eviction. Daily people built barricades, new platforms, lock-ons etc. to make the eviction more difficult. It was also made clear to the cops and RWE securities, that the forest is a dangerous place for them, where they should not feel comfortable.

The way to the Danger Zone

As a few cop cars are standing in one of the main entrances of the forest on 21.08., they are kept in distance by a big group of militant people with mollies and stones. On the next day, the cops stop two cars with pointed guns in the village Buir. They confiscate one of the cars, which is the bus of the Alf kitchen collective. They try to make the Alf collective responsible for the mollies and even after they give the bus back, the bus gets raided several times again. The bus is not only a home of people, but also an important kitchen for the forest.

On the 24.08. there is a major police operation with heavy machinery to evict barricades. Probably it is especially about the barricades in the forest entrance at the Secu-Road. In the evening, new barricades are being build in the entrance and the cops come back to destroy them and to steal the tools. This time they are chased out of the forest with stones. While the cops run away, one of them even pulls out the gun and aims at the people who run after them. Reinforcement and 2 ambulances arrive to pick up the cops.

On 25.08. the cops discover another car barricade and a possible explosive near to Lorien and they want to remove it. They are being attacked by mollies, stones and fireworks and have to leave the forest, when it starts to get dark. In a press release, the cops ask for a peaceful action consent and for distancing from violence.

One day later, about 400 cops come to the same place to evict. Some 25 masked people fight them with stones but are forced back by the great number of cops. Meanwhile new barricades are set up. But the barricades could only be defended for a short time each.

On the next day again a few hundred cops are in the forest and the Meadow Camp is surrounded. The operation is probably a preparation or a test.

On the 28.08. there is a raid in the Meadow, supposedly to search Molotov cocktails. The majority of the people at the meadow are brought to the police station in Aachen, because they don’t give their identities to the cops. All the others are send off until the evening. The Cops use the day to steal everything what’s possible. They take glass bottles, slingshots, crow’s feet, climbing gear, money, id cards and electronic devices. With the reason, that you can commit crime with it aka build barricades they steal wooden pallets, solar panels and water canisters. In the end tunnels where filled up to prevent danger and a lock on is being removed. With that the cops also destroy the library. In the evening, all of the people are released from custody, of some of them, the cops could not find out the identity. At the day after the raid was a solidarity demo from Buir to the Meadow.

In the following days cop and security cars are being attacked several times with stones and fire. Also diggers of RWE, that are working close to the forest, are chased away repeatedly. After one of these actions, more than 20 RWE securities run after the activists. The activists fight back with mollies and stones. Some of the secus are throwing stones but only dared to go a few meters into the forest.

Meanwhile the police union demands not to put the cops into the dangerous forest, until the cutting season of the forest is clear.

Since 31.08. the forest and the surrounding area is declared as a “danger zone” and the cops try to search every car and person, that is on the way to the forest.

In the evening of the 02.09. there are burning barricades and a cop van is attacked and damaged with stones.

Ongoing escalation

The next major police operation is taking place on the 5. and 06.09. The cops want to evict all the ground structures and barricades inclusive tripods and monopod. Some of the structures where defended with piss and shit, that is flying from above to the cops who have to leave the area.
There are solidarity demos again from Buir to the forest. On Sunday the 09.09. more than 1000 people are participating in the forest walk where one week before about 400 people joined.

In the morning of 10.09. a cop car and a secu car are being attacked each with stones and fire. Also the front window of an RWE vehicle gets smashed. After these attacks the cops call the forest phone and threaten to clear the undergrowth next to the secu road, in case of another attack. In the same night the secu road is blocked by a burning barricade. A cop van that comes close to the barricade gets covered with stones and has to escape. While the barricade is burning, the secu-point, that was converted into a fortress after several attacks in the past, gets attacked by many people with stones and molotovs. At the same time barricades are being build on the old highway. After a short time, about 40 armored cops and an eviction tank line up in the secu-point and go towards the attacking people who move to a hill. When the police tries to surround the attackers, it is raining stones from above. According to whitenesses, one could hear several cries of pain from underneath. After the cops keep distance again, the activists move back into the forest.

In the next morning the burning barricade is maintained with new firewood and there is another attack to a secu car. The cops threaten, that they will come on the 12.09. with a huge presence plus SEK and to shoot, when things would be thrown at cops.

On the 12.09. there are burning barricades in different entrances of the forest. A group of cops gets attacked by a few people on the secu road with stones. One cop shoots in the air and than aims at the attackers.

Final eviction (?)

In the morning of the 13.09. the major operation starts, which is planned to be the final eviction of the forest. Heavily armed SEK and climbing cops start to evict the tree houses. The people in the houses thought about many things, how they can make the eviction as difficult and expensive as possible, so the cops make progress very slowly. One of the first tree house villages that should be evicted is The North. When the first barricades in front of the entrance to The North are getting evicted, the cops are being attacked with stones, slingshots and Mollies. The cops escape into their cars and try to defend themselves by driving with full-speed towards the attackers. They did not get anyone but the cars remain with scratches and dents.

Afd-Nazis, that dare to go into the forest with police escort to watch the eviction, are being chased away by a group of militant people with shouts and stones. The escorting police is running faster than the Nazis.

When the first machines try to cut a way to the The North, again masked people run towards cops and RWE workers and throw with stones. The workers have to move back, you can hear cheering from the treetops and the work can not be continued for a while. The armored cops that are in the majority can force the attackers slowly back. BFE (arrest units) troops come to reinforce the cops and the activists have to move away.

In the evening, the cops manage to get more and more control over the forest and it is getting harder to attack the cops in the forest. But there is still attacks for example with shit, which are especially shitty for the cops and there is a call for decentral militant actions 1

Also there are more and more people showing solidarity with Hambi. Everyday, hundreds of people try to get into the forest and on the forest walk of 16.09., about 9.000 people are joining. Only a few of them manage to brake through the police chains. There are solidarity actions and demos in many cities.

Some thoughts

The broad Solidarity is helpful for the Hambi to stay and it causes more pressure on RWE and the cops. One example is that 3 companys takes back the lent cherry-pickers after a few days of eviction. It would be nice, but it’s probably not the case, if many of the people in solidarity are also in solidarity with the militance. And that they realize, that the struggle is in the eyes of many people in the forest not only about the preservation of a small peace of forest neither the exit of brown coal. These reforms would not change anything in the whole shit of capitalism and state. The people, that can not go on their forest walk anymore want to have back their state of law and their democracy but they don’t realize, that there is almost nothing more totalitarian than a democratic state, that promises fundamental rights as long as the people obey. As soon as people question the authority of the state and it gets more dangerous, the state is adjusting the laws.

We stay militant, no matter if in Hambi or somewhere else. No matter if the wide public accepts us or if we have to fight against this whole shit with a few good comrades. Hatred and violence against the fucking cops, against RWE and any other large enterprise, against democracy and any form of authority. Our hearts are burning as our mollies do!

Notes:
It should be mentioned, that such forms of action exclude other forms of action completely:

In the moment it is quite easy for the cops to make a difference: reflecting safety jacket + industrial safety helmet = RWE, or at least press; and people dressed in any way don’t belong in the forest and are targets for them. In this situation there would be many possibilities for false signals of group membership:

Acitivists with reflecting safety jacket and industrial safety helmet could often easily get into closed areas in – for the cops – stressful situations, and suddenly lock onto their heavy machines.

If their is stress and chaos among the police in the woods, they would also let pass any car with RWE-Brand, and so forth …

If then the Cops have to start controlling ANY person with great detail in this area, the RWE dudes as well, it would be a massive obstacle for his eviction.

But such methods of creating (even more) chaos drop out completely if you have to worry getting stones and molotov cocktails thrown at you if you wear cop feinting outfit.

Here it seams best to use militancy especially against things. There are more than enough moments when cop cars and RWE machines are without people inside in the woods, to which then for instance you could set fire.

“Peace is unmemory and oblivion – To memory of Mauricio Morales Duarte” by anarchist Gustavo Rodríguez

                                                                                received 11.08.2018

                           Peace is unmemory and oblivion                                  – To memory of Mauricio Morales Duarte

The cult of the dead is nothing more than contempt for true pain. […] The latter must also disappear, faced with the fatality of death the people must react firmly. We must fight against suffering instead of displaying it, of promenading it in grotesque processions and false commemorations […] Pyramids, graves, tombs must be thrown down; we must drive the plow through the walls of cemiteries to rid humanity of what we call respect for the dead, which is the worship of corpses“.
Albert Libertad

This is the third text I write in his memory, through these nine years of absence; however, the pain doesn`t go away. It couldn`t vanish in spite of time gone by, as I couldn`t dissipate the pain for the physical disappearance of my dear Urubu, of my esteemed Rafa (Daniel Barret), of my brother Canek and so many others who left but who live in our black memory. It is not that I want to show pain or recreate it in celebrations of mourning: we anarchists don`t worship corpses. I am simply unable to overcome it. And I couldn`t – nor want to – overcome this feeling because I`ve always transformed it into anger. I don`t intend to do the tiniest effort to forget them because memory, comrades, is our most potent weapon.

Not everyone I named died in combat – but neither is there anything to extol in the fact of falling into combat. We don`t have martyrs. We don`t believe in sacrifice and immolation. That we leave to christians, muslims, nationalists, bolsheviks. The only thing that motivates us is freedom without restrictions and passion for life, that`s why we fight for Total Liberation. That`s why our war is against domestication and domination. Against all Power, against all Authority, against the whole existing.

From the moment that we assume ourselves as anarchists without any guilt, we implicitly assume the illegality of our action, accepting the consequences of anarchic war. We know in advance what we are facing: repression under all its facets, deportation, prison, death. These are the risks that result from our praxis,  risks assumed by all those who elected to fight against the whole Authority. Not for a better world nor for a bright future society, nor in the name of a class or a cause, nor even hopeful in the realization of the increasingly inaccessible Social Revolution; it isn`t either for a price to pay, before as a weight to be taken from above us . Do it for the pleasure that arises from giving free rein to all passions, for the joy of living intensely, confronting day by day the death in life that the system of domination imposes on us, for the satisfaction of being an anarchist to the last consequences, for the delight of giving impetus to destruction efforts of the anarchic uprising.

On the night of May 22, 2009 our dear Mauri did not decide immolate himsel for any cause, nor did he conclude that the hour had come to sacrifice himself for a better tomorrow. On that fateful night, Mauri fit in his backpack the home-made bomb – with which he would strike power again. It would be a new attack – not the first nor the last – this time against the Gendarmerie School of Santiago and he would do it with joy, with that playful spirit that characterized him, assuming the dangers of anarchic war as we all do it in the daily fight. But he who loves life bothers his oppressor, detests with fury who causes death and confronts him in all latitudes.

That May 22nd, Mauri went out to lighten the night of Santiago, seeking to give life to Anarchy, with the passion that guided his steps, propagating the negative energy of his anarchic fury, absolute owner of his life in full freedom. That night, death took him from us, leaving the Furies locked in our hearts. Took him without asking permission, as it had stolen 22 days earlier the comrade Zoé Aveilla – while she installed a bomb at sunrise on May 1st – as it could have taken each one of us, without giving up on playing the game again.

Today, the Furies continue to incite us to not stop fighting until the anger is released, creating a potency in the self that is simultaneously its own meaning. As in greek mithology, the Furies urge us to fight and not forget the fallen. Heraclitus reminds us that “Even if the Sun itself tried to abandon its course, the Furies would find it”. That is why the Arche [principle] of anarchy – yesterday, today, tomorrow and always – it’s the war against any Authority.

Nowadays, the best hommage or celebration of Mauri is to recharge hundreds of thousand of extinguishers, to perform countless expropriations, to facilitate multiple escapes, to confront tooth and nail this death in life that is imposed on us. Peace is unmemory and oblivion: let`s encourage destructive creativity, let`s amplify anarchic war to all corners of the Earth, let`s give life to Anarchy.

For the Black International!

Gustavo Rodríguez
Planet Earth, May 20, 2018

in Spanish l Portuguese

Smoke Signals – A conversation in the aftermath of G20 in Hamburg

received 2018/08/06

First appeared as „Ein Gespräch mit einigen Militanten über die informelle Koordinierung im Vorfeld der G20“ in Rauchzeichen, a magazine published by Autonomous Groups, Fall 2017 and now first published in English on https://anarhija.info/library/the-local-kids-issue-1-summer-2018-en . This is late, but not too late. We can use this conversation to prepare something for the coming black bloc attack next year in Biarritz/France, where the G7 summit will be end of Summer 2019.

AG: At the end of the summer of 2016, several communiques propose an informal coordination of radical groups in the run-up to the G20 summit in Hamburg. You took part in it. What interventions were you aiming for and which perspectives did it entail for you?

[Chuzpe]: “On the occasion of several big events like the G8 in Heiligendamm in 2007 or around the Destroika prior to the inauguration of the European Central Bank in Frankfurt in 2015, there have been similar proposals and radical campaigns. It is not a very new idea. Starting from an anarchist analysis, I see the necessity of a permanent conflictuality and I’m sceptical towards this staging of a political play where everyone has its role. Focusing on such an event leads often to the side-lining of everyday struggles. But at the same time, I see the possibility of a tension opening up in such moments, in which the scope of our interventions can amplify. Towards this end, I think that a focus on the practice of radical actions rooted in local struggles while referring to each other, can be a good way to resolve this contradiction and to work towards sustained action. Meanwhile, the practice of direct actions inside the mobilisation gives the possibility of showing this means of struggle, which can motivate and inspire other people.”

[Peter Pan]: “I think that a lot of the actions that happened during the year are part of specific struggles. Each specific struggle is valid on its own and is important, but the articulation of shared points gets lost. To create a certain ambience, but more so, to find shared points in the different strategies and analyses, points of reference are important. Which are created rather well with this kind of coordination. Individuals, groups, but also movements, that don’t know each other, can in this way communicate and get in touch.”

[HoodLum]: “The aim was to go beyond a political campaign and to set out lines on a European level, on which to work together. Events like the G20 mean that texts are more translated and diffused than normal. Through these, it becomes possible to affirm affinities towards other struggles or structures and to build upon them. For example, currently the actions against the construction of new prisons in Switzerland are inspired by the struggle on a similar topic that took place in Belgium. We have to express our utopian dreams. Or at least can we develop our dreams more if we know we’re not the only ones working to bring them about. I think a lot of groups reconsider their offensive when they don’t see immediate results, and that the feeling of isolation and futility of radical actions proliferates. Coordination like the one of the G20, the Greek call for a Black December, or from before, the campaign against the Olympics, can find a resonance beyond the event. If it is formulated well.”

AG: Can you give some examples of what resonated in the run-up to the G20 or of shared points between different struggles?

[Peter Pan]: “Good question. The G20 was probably itself the biggest shared point, that also explains why there’s always a certain calm after such an event. But I think the context of the “campaign” against the G20 has created the possibility of different tendencies to focus on the same topic. Before, each tendency put forward different positions. Now, through the coordination, a shared position was developed by different tendencies. One of the most evident shared points was the choice of method, expressing the incompatibility with the rules of the state and the values of society which have been indoctrinated. It’s from there that we consciously encountered each other.”

[Chuzpe]: “I have the impression that there was a stark need for an international dimension, which is also rather evident with a topic like the G20. A point of reference – one that was soon to emerge after the first attacks and that became clear through the choice of targets, as well as in the texts through the analyses and research – was the attacks against big companies that are known to be profiteers of crises through the rule of the Troika and the managing of German imperialism. This can also be considered as a continuation of the discourse expressed prior to the inauguration of the ECB in Frankfurt. Besides companies like Cosco, Telekom, Hochtief, Deutsche Bank, Allianz and others that profit from the privatisations in Greece, also multinationals like ThyssenKrupp, Thales, Actemium, Sodexo and much more have been targeted. What I find interesting, is the international scope that has been developed. This creates the possibility of correspondence with other struggles elsewhere and most of all, in resonance with it, the expansion of terrains of struggle. For example, there was the burning of a car of a French diplomat in solidarity with the ZAD, or a police station that had its walls blackened by flames in solidarity with Greek prisoners.”

[HoodLum]: “Those who follow texts from other regions, will notice that, for example, the security industry is, worldwide, more and more attacked, and that sabotage of cable connections and antennas increases. In texts, there are often comments that imply that people are aware of what is going on in Germany and vice versa. That is the precondition that will allow people to really meet, that discussion will take place and that something like a strategic orientation can be found. Furthermore, the people who participated in the direct actions in the run-up of the summit, and who were partly also in Hamburg, are evidently a target of political pressure in their regions and cities. Pressure from the side of our political enemies from the Left. In Italy or in France, there have been many times fights in demonstrations with labour unions or their security stewards. In Greece, there is a dispute over the right moment and objectives for radical actions. The dissociations and, hopefully also, ruptures after Hamburg make it more easy to find conditions that entail shared points. For us this means that we also wanted to strengthen the tendency that some might call insurrectionary or nihilist, which are not adequate terms. Through the communique from the attack on the police station in Zografou (Athens), it becomes clear that some have taken up the call to do something in their own city if they’re not coming to Hamburg. I think that is great!”

AG: It seems that the international dimension has played a significant role to you. At the same time, there was also a lot embedded in struggles on local levels. In which way does it make sense to combine such projects with a mobilisation like the one against the G20?

[Chuzpe]: “I think we should never only concentrate on the dates set by our adversary, like the G20, because we get often stuck in an abstract relation. In this sense I think it is important that we try to connect our struggles – in which we are engaged and which are directly related to our lives – with such moments. In the run-up to the summit, there were mostly struggles against displacement of people and redevelopment of cities that are in lots of places a terrain of permanent conflict. But in the end it is about the question of the development of a revolutionary perspective. With only an event, how good it might be, these question don’t find their solution. Therefore this means that without a daily practice, we will never be able to experiment with our theoretical reflections and to question them. The mobilisation against the G20 cannot be seen as more than a fragment. One that allowed us to create situations to encounter each other and to have shared experiences in the streets. I don’t think we can consider this as different projects that take place detached from each other.”

[Peter Pan]: “The G20 meeting is a meeting of the self-proclaimed elites of the world to discuss different topics of world politics. Decisions that concern different themes all over the world are prepared or finalized there. So this happens also on the side of resistance. Different spheres fight on different levels for totally different areas. A shared reference point is what is lacking at times without a polarizing moment. To make this coordination permanent, it could be useful to focus it in something concrete.”

[HoodLum]: “Between us, the discussions of the last year have been concentrated on not having a typical campaign with an occasion, a beginning and an end. We rather wanted to try to provoke a permanent state of attack, that maybe already exists if we look attentively at the daily messages of resistance worldwide. Lots of things are only visible on a local level, either because the participants don’t diffuse them, or because they get lost in the information stream. The G20 was for us only the vehicle to use to propagate that what we practice every day. And that also got more attention and resonance due to the behaviour of the cops during July in Hamburg. There are regularly calls to radically act about something, but most of the time such calls are last-minute and very specific, which makes it difficult to respond to them. The anarchist call against the G20 summit in Hamburg was diffused from August 2016 onwards and was quickly translated into several languages. And it was rather open, which invited a lot of persons to participate. The radical campaign against the G8 in Heiligendamm from July 2007 started even sooner, namely with the first attack during the summer of 2005 against the CEO of Norddeutsche Affinerie, Werner Marnette. But these were very specific attacks, that raise the bar high on the level of research and explanation. Without having in mind the texts of that time, I think there were other main emphases made. For Hamburg it was more important to us to make the practices of resistance that are already present more palpable.”

AG: Do you see a possibility that the calm – that has set in after the summit – dissipates, and that the dynamics from the run-up to the G20 can be taken up again? Also, to respond to the desire that the coordination doesn’t vanish into thin air after the end of the event?

[Peter Pan]: “I think that for a lot of people the summit, but also the period of the run-up, was very impressive. It is very probable that for a lot, especially youths, it was the first time to see whole units of riot police fleeing in panic. Even for the older, lots were impressed by the ability from all these people to coordinate and organize and to not keep quiet in the face of, on one side, an apathetic and disinterested society, and on the other, a highly militarised and repressive state. These are the kind of experiences one doesn’t forget easily. Personally, but also collectively, this summit will be remembered and in some years we will be still able to build upon it. The period after the G8 in Rostock was not characterized by a blaze of activity, but it lay the first building blocks for the following mobilisations, for example the one of 2009. Also, some persons who weren’t pleased by the clashes in the Schanze quarter or who took it personally when the connection of their mobile phone was interrupted due to attacks on antennas, have asked themselves why this happened and have looked into texts for explanations. That this entails a potential danger, seems to have become clear to the state. This will also have been a reason for the taking down of linksunten.indymedia.org.”

[HoodLum]: “This perception of calm is also relative and surely subjective. It is clear that for some months there have been less things going on in Hamburg or Berlin, but that doesn’t matter so much. Neither sabotage, nor riots recognize borders. Since the G20 there has been worldwide a big part of the capitalist structure fucked up, and in numerous riots cops have been attacked. We have to stop measuring our effect or potential on a local level. The statement of Panagiotis Argyrou from a Greek prison, is for me more meaningful than the rhythm of attacks in Germany. Through this we see the proof of an emergence of affinities based on the combination of words and deeds that are spreading to more hearts in fortress Europe. The rulers can shut down internet sites, diffuse false information, or bring out their servants dressed in magistrate robes to enforce their law; there will certainly be other attacks. The formulations of coordination will not disappear when we get into the habit of putting as much importance into the follow-up as the preparation, when we make the effort of translating the texts from us and our international friends, when we are able to put into practice the necessary solidarity with prisoners and, finally, when we practice what has for a long time been deformed by some; riot tourism. All the talk about international coordination is useless when we don’t find ourselves together with our people from other regions in the streets or the forests. We have to broaden our horizon and experiences.”

[Chuzpe]: “I think we have to be careful to not fall into the illusion that only the amount of direct actions says something about the condition of our struggles. We would be making the same error as lots of others, who tire themselves with counting heads and for whom the motto “More is Better” becomes a paradigm. This way of thinking comes from a capitalist logic and is not suitable for us. We should rather examine things based on our principles and convictions, and take care that the way we fight and the perspective it holds, indicate a bit towards our utopian dreams. That does say something about the quality of our actions. If there is now a bit less things going on, it could be because people are in a process of reflection and are questioning themselves about how to go on. I think that also for this, you have to take time. And it would be wrong to fall into a blind activism, only to maintain the illusion that everything seamlessly continues.”

AG: The G20 is over now, and the experiences have surpassed our expectations. Would you say that they are also the outcome of the actions in the run-up?

[Chuzpe]: “It would be too flattering to locate the origin of the collective rage during those days in the mobilisation through radical attacks. Of course, these have contributed to an ambience and motivated some milieus to travel to Hamburg. But I think that the events just before the week itself; like the generalized state of emergency in Hamburg, the rude expulsions of the camp, the brutal repression of the “Welcome to Hell” demonstration and other episodes – that were supervised by the police boss Dudde & co – were surely more important factors. We know from other mobilisations that the idea of actions by small groups are not the ultimate thing and that we have to be able to question its limits. With a sober look, we also have to admit that the desired proliferation of certain types of intervention doesn’t last in the long term. At the same time, we can see that this practice can provide us the necessary skills to face the police apparatus. Certainly in Germany, where the power relation in demonstrations is seldom in our favour and where a riot can only be provoked with considerable risks and efforts. Several times it would have been useful to have the know-how to realize decentralized actions. I think that during the G20 there was a good mix of different forms of action that interacted with each other, which led to the loss of control on the side of the state. On one hand, the spontaneity of the masses, on the other, pin-pricks well-prepared by small autonomous groups or wild, swarm-like demonstrations like on Friday morning in the Altona district. Ultimately, we could say it’s because of this mixture that a police force of 30,000 was pushed to its limits. But also thanks to the fact that there are groups who have a practice of attack during the whole year and that bring with them a certain experience in these situations.”

[HoodLum]: “Absolutely, as always for such type of mobilisation, it’s about creating a certain ambiance. It seems that we were able to transmit to a lot of people in Germany and Europe, the feeling that in Hamburg – despite the high level of risk – there was something possible. The conditions were present. On one side, the determination for confrontation. On the other, the capacity to attack highly secured places and to put out statements that speak to the hearts of many. There have been also mobilisations that produce negative resonances. For example, the yearly Munich Security Conference (SIKO). Prior to the event, there is the eternal communist babble that ends with a march, that is eventually hemmed in. In such circumstances, there’s nothing that could have happened and that would be appropriate to the topic. But in Hamburg, there are also youths and other dissatisfied who haven’t been perfectly assimilated by the system and who – traditionally – are close to the radical left or chaotic resistance. They always came to the block parties in Schanze and look for any occasion to get back at the state for their daily humiliations. The fact that a lot of people were up for it, is partly thanks to our agitation but also to the media scare prior to the summit. When the media write that on this day and at that place, there will be a lot of stones hurled at the cops, then lots of people will turn up to do exactly that. That the media reinforce this message through their propaganda, contributes to the mobilisation; we don’t demand anything, we only want to attack the state and the society that legitimises it.”

AG: To conclude, a look towards the future. A lot of persons are still in prison and will be sentenced to quite harsh punishments. We can also expect more investigations. On that level, there will be for a long time a shadow cast on the G20. How to go on? How to deal with repression and which perspectives can we envision from these days in Hamburg and the preceding days?”

[HoodLum]: “How we see it, there are already some groups that are busy with gathering funds. Our task is in showing to prisoners and other accused that we not only support them through words and materially. We have to continue to push forward the struggle of the prisoners. There are already letters from those who assert their positions. Ideally, our message is that their repression will not stop people from acting. It will increase tension and people who otherwise wouldn’t have met, will come together. But in general, we’re not very well organised on a level of repression. In Germany there’s more of an individual approach than elsewhere. I doubt that it’s clear for everyone that more resistance will entail more prisoners. For me, the perspectives are connected to knowing each other better, knowing our ways of acting, and the cities and situations from where they arise. We should confront our – frequently too abstract – theories with their workings. For example, what our affinity really means. After a long period of moving around to riot, the coordination of the struggles also has to advance. We should be able to talk concretely about things and not only through public texts. It could be the next phase if, throughout Europe, we can coordinate on a topic or companies against which to act. Or to find each other next time in the streets without public call. We have to destroy this feeling of a “Heimat” [a specific German word that could be translated as “home”, “homeland” or “nation”, but always with connotations of tradition, identity and territory] and be ready to be everywhere to take part in struggles. For example, I was surprised that in March there was a riot in Copenhagen for the 10 year anniversary of Ungdomshuset’s eviction, and that almost no one knew about this in advance. It could be a development to share more plans and discussion prior to this kind of actions, so as to have more people participating.”

[Peter Pan]: “I share this feeling of not being well prepared to face repression now and also in the coming times. But I think some letters and statements of prisoners have been encouraging. From certain statements, we can understand that the struggle doesn’t stop with incarceration, but on the contrary, is part of it. Also, a lot of solidarity actions with those afflicted by the repression show that connections made prior are continuing to take shape. The actions in Hamburg, but also the actions from before, as well as the media frenzy, show that the ambiance we invoked earlier, cannot be stopped from a certain moment on. Then the state can try to do whatever it wants… I think the campaign in the run-up has created a nice perspective to continue connecting different intentions and forms of actions in everyday struggles. Maybe this will continue?”

[Chuzpe]: “The terrain of repression provides us, in general, with a good target. Especially now, when the digitalisation of surveillance and security technologies is developing fast and when big events are used as testing grounds for counter-insurgency methods. This could be taken as a challenge to expose the shit that is going on and attack the companies that profit from it. Law enforcement is being outsourced already for a long time. And the cops are dependant on the technology of private security firms who provide the useful software. That can be seen very well for example in Hamburg. Never in the history of criminality in Germany has there been such an abundance of images and video material obtained by the authorities. On a snitching portal specifically set up for this occasion by the cops, there have been 7,000 files uploaded apart from the ones of the cops. Before, because of the overload of data, it would have been impossible to find a needle in a haystack. While now, with the help of facial recognition software – like the one from Cognitec, a company from Dresden – the data can be analysed in a small amount of time. That is a new level of repression, which we cannot ignore. We have to have discussions and share information to be able to develop counter-measures, but also to integrate in the struggle against repression on a practical level. Something that already happened during the yearly police congress in Berlin, but was also focused on in actions in the run-up to the G20. I see perspectives there of how to oppose the repression with an offensive response in a concrete struggle. Furthermore, I share what has been said before about continuing to be mobile. After Athens, Frankfurt, Milan, Paris, Hamburg, there will be other places where to meet and conspire. Outside the metropolitan areas, there are lots of interesting struggles that also contain this possibility. Like the Hambach Forest, Bure or Notre-Dame-des-Landes, and still more places where there is an autonomous zone to defend. These moments of coming together are very important and make it possible to together accentuate and develop projects which can continue on a local level.”

AG: Thanks a lot for this conversation. I hope to see you soon in the streets, on the barricades, or at Rewe.

[There has been a significant intervention during the process of translation. When in the German version, the interviewees use the term “militant” (and its variations), here this has been translated as “radical”. These two terms have both a similar generic and ambiguous character while “radical” avoids the immediate negative overtones the English “militant” would garner. In a German context this term is still widely used, although also – notably – consciously rejected (as a positive thing) by some. Specifically here, the insistence on speaking of “militants” can be seen as a symptom of the vagueness about what constitutes the bases of the desired informal coordination. – TLK]

[Germany] Text about the wave of repression in connection with the resistance against the G20 summit in Hamburg

Spontaneous protest against repression in the streets of many German cities after police raids in early December 2017 (in Kiel, about 70 participated in the protests)

Summary for our internationalist comrades
G20-Repression
Prisoners * Conditions in the prison * Trials * Video- and Photo publications * House raids

The G20 summit and the euphoric days in the streets of the Schanzenviertel were shaped by the massive anger and motivation to attack, which we did not expect since Heiligendamm and Frankfurt.

The wave of repression that followed afterwards, and actually had already started before the summit with the implementation of the new §114ff and preventive policing, reached its climax with the publication of dozens of mug shots, by the special commission „Soko Schwarzer Block“ on December 18th, 2017.

The wave of repression, remained rather unnoticed from comrades in others countries who fought with us on the streets and euphorically followed the riots in the media. They told us, that they did not receive any information on the prisoners, the condemned and the persecution mania by the state.

Part I: Prisoners

The situation in december 2017
The cops implemented a 40 man strong Soko (1), which searched the Internet for pictures and videos, in order to further criminalize activists. About 200 cops are currently sitting in front of their computers, watching special face detection softwares do most of the investigation work. Even when you think, you have nothing to hide or you are sure, you always changed in a dark alley: Solidarity doesn‘t just start, when the repression hits you or your friends. The state, including the media, cops and active citizens, is clearly trying to redefine the riots. We managed to dominate the discourse of these days during the summit, but we have to recognize that in the face of brutal sentences, denunciations and public agitation, we are being pushed back into a position of simply reacting: Day X demos, prison rallies and a couple of broken windows here and there.
Prisoners and the trials:
After the three days of riots in Hamburg, 51 people had been taken into custody. Ultimately 28 remained in the JVA (prisons) Billwerder, Hanhöfersand and Holstenglacis until their trials. Being mainly non German, the prisoners came from the Netherlands, France, Switzerland, Austria, Spain, Italy, Poland, Hungary and Russia. Additionally several hundred people had to stay in the GeSa (custody) for a short time and had to give their fingerprints and pictures.
The remaining G20 prisoners are accused of various crimes, which in many cases would not justify longterm custody. The charges go from violating the law of gathering in public spaces and breach of the peace, to resistance and assault against officers. The last one can, after the laws were tightened last year, be punished with up to three months in prison, in severe cases with up to six months.

Currently, in the beginning of January 2018, 7 people are still imprisoned in Hamburg. Additionally, many comrades are going to appeal their sentences. For example Peike, who was sentenced to 2 years and 7 months prison, in the first G20-trial.

The conditions in „Gesa“ (short term/provisional prison) and „U-Haft“ (detention while awaiting trial)
Over 100 lawyers worked in 24 hours shifts at the GeSa in Hamburg- Harburg. 250 people were attended to during the summit. Several prisoners said, they were denied basic hygienic articles, even though they asked for it repeatedly. In one case, the request from a young women was met with the statement: „Demonstrators don‘t get periods.“ In another case a young women said, she had to insert a tampon in front of police officers. It was burning up in the cells, there were up to eight prisoners in one cell, instead of five, even though not all the cells were occupied. The prisoners got two slices of bread in 24 hours, access to restrooms was granted very  scarcely. There where few mattresses and no blankets. With kicks against the cell doors, the prisoners were kept awake. Some cells had constant light, while others had none at all. An injured women, who was taken to the GeSa on Friday (July 7th) with a suspected nose break, did not receive food for 15 hours. Her injury was not x-rayed. She was only seen by a judge 40 hours after her arrest, who released her at 11pm that same day. The prisoners in custody are generally only allowed visitors with a permission from the judge. These visits where being strictly surveilled (letter from Fabios mother to her son from August 7th, 2017). Additionally, it was impossible to send packages with clean clothes to the prisoners for weeks. The continuance of the custody was justified with „defending the law“.

Fleeing or hiding evidence, which is usually the reason for enforcing custody, did not play any role. Therefore the custody itself presents as a preventive measure. A non-German passport, strenghtened the accuse – of being a potential enemy to society – leading to longer custody and harsher sentences. Additionally many released prisoners received letters, asking them for a voluntary DNA analysis.

Part II: Trials and Sentences

In general, one can say it became pretty obvious through all the trials that no matter which person was in front of the judge and no matter what the charges were – every single one of them was blamed for the riots, especially those on Friday night and ultimately sentenced for them. This type of mass participation during street fights and attacks on cops should be prevented in the future. The fear of the power hungry advocates, became clear in the politically motivated pleas, in which they tried to paint the activists as isolated criminals, without any political identities. A technique used worldwide. In order to understand the outrage about the sentences and its justifications, it is important to explain how German police is regularly trying to get sentences with the use of „Tatbeobachter“ (Tabos), loosely translated as crime witnesses, as well as isolated video scenes. Arrests, especially during demonstrations, are often only based on alleged observations by „Tabos“. In the past, their statements could usually not stand the cross examination in court, so that few people (excluding especially Kurdish activists), were placed on probation, but very rarely received prison time.

Another issue can be found in the German so called left scene: In the 80s a campaign arouse from the German left scene: „Anna and Arthur shut up“. A campaign, which was based on the right to refuse any statements. According to this right, anyone who is arrested or on trial can refuse any statement in front of the cops or the judge, except stating the details on the passport. Understanding this right as a weapon- as a way of protecting structures or other people – but also as an act of resistance – in the sense of withdrawing yourself from any dialogue with the state, is sadly not a given anymore. A decision of making a statement in court or not, is often an individual one or left up to the strategy of the lawyers.

The strategies from the lawyer often focused on reaching deals, which can be described as an understanding between the judge and prosecutor and the defense attorney – which usually forces the defense to agree to certain points brought up by the judge in exchange for a softer sentence and in confessions, which under certain circumstances can be justified. Though there were not only deals and confessions within the prisoners, that could under certain circumstances be a valid choice, but it went as far as prisoners apologizing to the judges and cops, as well as to the HASPA bank and Budnikowsky (store). One Example: A 28 year old guy from Hamburg read his confession out loud. He said, he did not know what possessed him that evening. It was simply his curiosity that drove him to the Schanze, after he saw pictures of the riots in TV. Upon arrival, the crowd swept him along. „If I could turn back time, I would just stay home that night and watch everything on TV.“, he said on Tuesday. He was actually on his way to Barmbeck that night, where he know lives, when he coincidentally passed the riots at Pferdemarkt, where he was attacked with pepper spray, which made him angry, additionally he had taken cocaine that night as well. The verdict: 3 years of prison.

Fabio marks a clear exception here, he wrote a political statement, which he read out in front of the court. This is not only sign of bravery and political knowledge, it is also an important step for all of us to fight against the repression, not buckly in the face of danger and fight against the criminilisation of our struggles.

There are several examples of the G20 trials at the end of the article. Until today, Konstantin’s, Christian’s and Fabio’trials are still ongoing and their documentations can be found on the „United we stand“ web page. Some are also in English. Keeping the raids and the recent publication of mug shots in mind, more trials are probably soon to follow.

Part III: First raids before the summit

During the evening of July 1st, the apartments of two comrades was searched by police. As far as we know up until now, the raids were carried out due to „danger prevention“. During the raids, USB sticks, computers, private cell phones and clothes were taken. One affected person was charged with planning crimes in the context of the G20 summit. Observations were noticed in the days before the raids. The second person was released that same evening.

Raids on July 8th
After the G20 Summit, Hamburg police raided the international center B5 in st Paul. At 10:45 AM, riot police stormed the center and attacked the people who were present at the time.
Without stating any reason, the people were handcuffed and the rooms on the center and two adjoining private apartments were searched. Also the cellar and the adjoining B-movie and FoodCoop was ransacked. Allegedly, the police suspected Molotov cocktails in the center, which turned out to be a complete defamation.

Raids concerning the looting
The hamburg police raided 14 residences, shortly after the summit in Hamburg and Schleswig – Holstein. Reason for that, was the looting of the Apple Store during the riots on Friday night. Several cell phones were located and the owners were charged with concealment of stolen goods. Also one cellphone store was searched, where allegedly several of the „illegally possessed cell phones“ were sold.

Ban of Linksunten.indymedia.org
On august 25th, Bundesinnenminister (Interior Minister)Thomas de Maiziere, banned the online-platform „linksunten.indymedia.org“ on the grounds of society laws. For the German left and radical left scene, Linksunten was the platform, where all the Call ups, daily political news and explanations for attacks where published. It was as important to the left scene as it was apparently to the cops, intelligence service and media, since it was obviously seen as a reliable source and early-warning system for pending riots. The operation of Linksunten since 2009 as an open network for left media activists was declared a crime by de Maziere. This led to several raids in Baden- Würtemberg, which luckily did not leave anyone arrested. Currently the BKA is searching for the location of the servers, that were being used by the platform. More raids are to be expected. The timing of this whole action can only be speculated about. It is possible that the Ministry of Interior wanted to polish up their image, after the weekly press releases about the massive police violence against the anti summit demonstrators.

Part IV: Nation wide raids on December 5th, 2017, investigation „Rondenbarg“

In the early morning of December 5th, 2017, over 600 cops raided 23 private homes and 2 social centers in Nordrhein- Westfalen, Niedersachen, Baden- Würtemberg, Hamburg, Berlin, Hessen, Sachsen- Anhalt and Rheinland- Pfalz. According to police statements, mainly laptops, cellphones and USB sticks, but also several legal weapons were upholded. None of the affected activists were arrested. All the raids were concerning the events during the first day of the summit. Approximately 200 militant comrades, were on their way to the inner city in the early hours of July 7th, when they met riot cops at Rondenbard, after which the demonstration was destroyed and left many injured. Several dozen people were arrested right there on the spot, their details were recorded and Fabio sat in prison since then. Almost all the raided people, were within the arrested group from that day.

They are being charged with severe breach of the peace, attempted physical assault and resistance. Since, this particular  group of arrested people represented the majority of the arrested overall and the cops were not able to arrest many organized militants, they together with the help of the media, tried to paint a picture of the „Rondenbarg- group“ as extremely violent and probably responsible for all the destruction and direct actions during the summit. Also the raids can be connected with that attempt, the „success“ of these raids, were presented by the cops during a press conference on December 5th.

We clearly see the raids as a public spectacle as well as an attempt to uncover the alleged organisational structures behind the actions, rather than collecting evidence concerning alleged individual participants. Not confirmed by official sides, but published in several press releases, the cops were mainly searching for evidences on structures, which prepared militant actions and made them possible in Hamburg. Especially around the area of the Elbchaussee, the cops allegedly discovered containers with masking material, fireworks and clothes, which the police interpreted as evidence for the theory, that local groups organised the logistics for international comrades. Though the police suspects mainly international comrades for setting over 20 cars on fire in the Elbchaussee during July 7th.

Part V: Mug shots from hamburg police:

During the night of july 8th, the hamburg police established an online portal for tips and leads. They appealed to the curious crowd, to upload any picture or video material from their own smartphones and cameras. Only 12 hours later, they celebrated the fact, that they had already received over 1000 files. With this call out for denunciation and betrayal, the police provoked an online coursing. The Soko „Black Block“, is working on 12 terabyte of picture files. In total 163 cops are working on 3340 cases. On monday, december 8th the hamburg policed published 104 pictures of 104 alleged criminals and 5 videos concerning the „Elbchaussee“, the „G20 not welcome demo“, „looting“, „attacks with bottles and stones“ and „Rondenbarg“(here you can find an anonymous link to the pictures). Additionaly several pictures made it into the german media. The hamburg police anounced: „There will be more mug shots, because we have a lot of material, which has not yet been evaluated.“

Five G20 Trials:
The first trial was held against Peike, from the Netherlands. He is being accused of having thrown two bottles at Berlin police in the Schanze on the 6th of July. The only two witnesses, cops from Berlin, had suffered from major memory loss and both described a bottle throwing person, who did not look at all like the defendant. The prosecutor explained his persecution for prison time, by taking Peike into responsibility for the „civil war like circumstances“ on Friday night (where Peike was already in custody!). The judge Johann Krieten, known as a right wing hardliner, proclaimed his judgment as followed: „Police officers are not fair game for the fun society, they are not fair game for action orientated criminals“. He called the riots on Friday night, riot tourism with the aim of hunting cops and smashing the windows of the HASPA bank. The harsh punishment was necessary, due to reasons of „preventing violence.“ The pig proclaimed the sentence of two years and seven months. Peike is appealing against this judgement.

2nd Trial: The defendant was stopped and searched on Saturday, July 8th, close to Dammtor train station. He was insinuated with being on his way to the „g20 not welcome“ demonstration. In his bag pack, the cops found pepper spray, diving goggles and small fire crackers. He is being accused of violating the „law of gathering“, and laws against carrying weapons and explosives. Again, the trial ended with an obszene harsh punishment of 6 within 2 years of probation. Prosecutor Elsner seized the moment to proclaim his personal propaganda: „The attacks on cops with bottles and stones increased dramatically during the demonstration. The defendant should be writing a thank you letter to the cops, who arrested him, had he thrown anything during the demonstration, he would be going to jail for a long time.“

3rd example. The prosecutor accused the 21 year old defendant, of having thrown six bottles in the direction of the cops during the demonstration on the Fishmarket, as well as resisting during his arrest. After the judge explained the right of refusing a statement, the lawyer explained extensively the defendants plea deal. In the last two months, that he spent in jail, he had learned a lot about loneliness. He never wanted to get himself or his family in such a hell like situation. He was now aware of his stupidity. Cops are also only humans. The judge, sentenced the defendant to 1 year and 5 months on two years of probation, as well as a 500 Euro fine, which should be donated to the widows and orphans of police officers.

4th example: The charges: Criminal assault with a dangerous weapon (glass bottle), as well as resistance against police officers. The defendant confessed the charges and regretted his actions. He agreed to a DNA sampling, which took place on a break during the hearing. The TABO Hachmann allegedly followed the defendant after he allegedly threw the bottle and saw him, taking down his mask in a little kiosk and changed his clothes on the next street corner. Verdict: 1 year on 3 years of probation. The defendant, had questioned the monopoly of the state and did not see the human in uniform during his actions. The police deserved respect and honour for their committment and should not be targeted.

5th example: Fabio was released from youth arrest in exchange for a bail of 10000 Euro. His trial is still ongoing. The charges: Severe breach of the peace in the case of „Rondenbarg“. This is an excerpt of Fabios declaration during the trial: First of all i want to say that the ladies and gentlemen of politics, police inspectors and prosecutors probably believe they can hinder the dissent on the streets if they arrest and lock up a bunch of kids.
Likely they believe that prison is enough to hold back the rebellious voices that arise everywhere. Likely they believe that repression will stop our thirst for freedom. Our will to create a better world. I have made my decision and i am not afraid if there, unjustly, will be a price i have to pay for that. Nevertheless is there something i want to say to you, if you believe me or not: i do not like violence. But i have ideals and i decided to fight for them.

Explanations

„Tatbeobachter*innen/Tabos“ (Crime Observer):

Tabo‘s are dressed as demonstrators, sometimes they would be dressed colerful, sometimes with a beerbottle in their hand, sometimes they would be masked. They run side by side with us in the demonstrations and they can be hard to detect. They watch alleged crimes, without intervening. Later they are called as witnesses in front of court. Tabos are cops from a certain unit. On the contrary, there are cops dressed as civilians, the so called PMS. These civil cops usually move around in bigger groups, very obviously next to the rows of cops, they carry earphones and weapons and they pass on information about well known activists to the BFE (unit, responsible for arrests and securing evidence).

Tightening of laws:
Since the 30th of may 2017, the paragraph 113 ist now divided into §113, which includes acts of resistance and §114, which scales assault. The newly structured §114 includes the assault against officers (cops, paramedics) as its own element of a crime. An assault can be any kind of act against the body of an officer, for example when you try to to free yourself from the grip of a cop during an arrest. The minimal sentence here would be a three months prison sentence. Additionally, simply carrying a weapon or a dangerous tool, can be defined as a severe act of resistance or assault, independent from your intentions with that tool. You can also be charged, for your comrades carrying such a tool like a glass bottle or another sharp instrument.

(1) SOKO is an abbreviation of the term “Sonderkommission” (Special [Police] Commission – meaning special investigation team) in German.

Society has failed, when it imprisons those who question it!
Fire and flames to repression!

With this slogan the campaign: „United we stand“  made a callout for action days from the 28.1. to the 4.2.2018.

german  l portuguese

[Czech Republic] New Text by persecuted anarchist comrade of Anti-Fenix, Lukáš Borl

received on 29.01.18

How long will last the exploitation of prisoners by the police and courts?

If there’s somebody forced to work for somebody else under the threat of violence, it’s something that we usually call enslavement or exploitation. However, if Czech police and courts use this practice, they call it differently: preparation of the convicted for their jobs and helping the state. There’s no point in arguing about appropriate words, where it’s obvious that the state institutions are committing organized crime on the prisoners. The point is to make these crimes stop.

To make clear what crimes I’m talking about, I’ll first give the word to the officials of Všehrdy prison. On the prison website they write:

With the end of the year approaching, we would like to inform our fellow citizens about the fact, that the prisoners from Všehrdy prison have participated in recovery of the property of different state and municipal institutions in our region during the whole year completely free of charge, in the form of the so-called extramural working activities. …(…)… They, for example, painted the administrative building of shooting range for the Police of Czech Republic, fixed the terrain around the shooting range, removed the invasive trees, repaired and built new target equipment and pruned trees around the driveway. They facilitated moving of the police school and moving and assembling the furniture for the Police of Teplice. And, like in the last year, they painted the area of the District court in Chomutov and moved the furniture.

They taught us in school that slavery was abolished. However, when we look at the conditions of imprisoned people, we can see that slavery only changed its face. The prisoners from Všehrdy may not be a trading commodity like the slaves in the past. But they are still subjected to violent enslavement. They are forced to work hard without any claims for wage and somebody else profits from their work. They are punished if they refuse to work in that conditions. And they are also held behind the walls in iron chains by their slavers. And their enslavement is also hypocritically advocated by talking about that they offended the morals of Christian civilization by their living, and so it’s right to treat them this way.

Everybody who is not blind must clearly see, that resistance against slave practices must not stop, until all prisons and institutions, which have their interest in preserving them, are abolished.
Lukáš Borl

lukasborl.noblogs

Porto Alegre, Bra$il: ‘When Anarchy Disturbs’ – Kaos Library Statement about the Prosecution Against Anarchists

There are many things to say, but we will start with the most urgent. In the 25 of October began an anti-anarchist persecution against FAG [Gaucho Anarchist Federation] Parhesia institute, Pandorga squat and some individuals who had their spaces and houses raided by cops. If not all, probably a good part of the anarchist diversity was reached and several of them spoke firmly from their agreement against repression. And this is a fresh air that strengthens every one who feels sedition.

It is evident that the aim of the agents of repression also points against us, against the publications we have made or in which we participate. And that is what we are going to say. “The chronology of the Anarchic Confrontation”, the one that collects information from 2000 to 2015, and the one that collects the anarchic trigger of 2016, both are the books that are being exhibited as “evidence” of vandalism, attacks, and criminal acts. Among the many ways anarchism has to search for freedom, these books speak of anarchic informality as an option according to the current domination’s face. Further, we clarify that these books speak of actions but not only anarchists ones. The focus of the books is the diffusion of anarchic actions. To be more precise, it spread actions in which we feel the aroma of anarchy. And between anarchism and anarchy there are differences that may be delicate but which are important.

The anarchic instinct is that anti-dominating impulse that can be present in any individuality or collectivity, beyond the ideological belongings and political militancy. That is why in the chronologies we include conflicts of non-Western populations, street conflict within larger protests and diverse motivations, actions against the State and Capital, and more. Far from going by the theory, we clarify this since the persecution against the anarchists does not consider these differences in order to find a scapegoat for multiple events that bothered the cops and the powerful of always. It is surprising that the police, deputy Jardim, and the media, show as the great news some facts that were already headlines at the time and have already been searched by cops, just because all these facts are condensed in our publications. None of the books is a claim. They are books of an anarchic memory, with actions and conflicts long before the existence of the Kaos Library, which will surely continue beyond us. The publication shows with joy and yes, with head held high, the existence of an anarchic confrontation that respond to the domination, the devastation of the earth and the attack against all forms of freedom, but it does not claim responsibility of these facts that can be collected, as we have done from various internet pages and local newspapers. And if we have made these publications aware of the risk they presented, it is because insubmission deserves to be defended, howled, celebrated and shouted by all possible means. We will never believe or respect the obedience they intend to impose, the submission and the fear they want to inoculate in people from the moment they are born.

Therefore, the actions printed in the chronologies are attacks against the materiality of domination. That is against buildings, cars, machines, roads, windows. Stuff. Objects. Symbols. Cops in the territory controlled by the Brazilian state are internationally famous for being a murderous police force. The so-called “pacification operations” are massacres, authentic massacres, such as Candelária and Carandiru, as well as the murder of Eltom Brum from behind his back that even had a police crowd receiving the murderer. And are they the ones who talk about terror, about evil gangs, about attempted murder? They show a sling and ecological bricks as weapons while they’re holding guns. They speak of terrorism and evil gangs while preparing the next invasion against a village or favela, where the dead will not even be mentioned by the media. That insignificant they are to them. We would like to believe that everyone feels insulted by the evidence of the Garden Delegate. In a context where weapons are commonplace, ecological bricks presented as explosives are an insult to anyone. However, we do not forget when Pinho Sol [famous deodorizer label] was considered a weapon and used “evidence” against Rafael Braga* whom they held behind bars until he got tuberculosis, that is, until they felt they had done everything to kill him.

The repression against anarchists show two things. First, to present “terrorists” on screen serves as a TV show to turn the spotlight away from issues such as corruption, political-police discredit and slow genocide throughout economic reforms. That they now try to solve the facts of 2013* and chase a book and literature, clearly shows a spectacular attempt to hide the growing attack on the population, to depoliticize through threats and spread fear even to read (evidently democratic practices). The second thing that presents an anti-anarchist persecution is that anarchy disturbs. When we speak of anarchy that disturbs, we are clearly not talking about well behaved boys and girls acting within the limits imposed by power, we do not speak of people who have laws in their bodies and hearts drawing their limits of action. When we speak of anarchy that disturbs, we speak of such a strong insubordination of people and groups that have been able to interrupt the normality of the power square, to paralyze the city, to break the symbols of militarization in Haiti**, to burn the vehicles that seize, and they kill dragging like horses of the inquisition (Claudia we do not forget your death).

The Kaos Library books spread this anarchy. The one that disturbs. The one that answers the clash of agribusiness, colonization civilization, militarization, ecocide, prison society… In simpler words, while domination tries to destroy the planet and all that they find undesirable, we spread what attacks the domination.

And when anarchy bothers, the reaction of the powerful threatens and wants to sniff the fear. The anarchic response to this persecution will remain in our hearts and actions. How we face this crossroads will mark the moment of our passage through the path of rebellious life.

Strength and solidarity with those prosecuted by “Operation Erebo”

Kaos Anarchic Library

October 2017

Translation notes:

* Rafael Braga was arrested during 2013 protests. At the time, he was homeless and was simply removed from his place while cops repressed the demo.

** 2013 is remembered as a year of street uprising against transportation fairs in great part of the territory under domain of the bra$ilian state. As in other territories in the world, there were a lot of insurgent protests mostly self organized.

*** Bra$ilian army is responsible for the militarization of Haiti.

english via Insurrection News  l portuguese l spanish

Porto Alegre, Brasil: Our Country is the World

The World is My Country!

received 10/8/17

Today we stretch a strip in a busy avenue of Porto Alegre with the words “O Mundo é Meu País!” (The World is My Country!). We want to remind all people that no country, new or old, will solve our problems or give us the freedom we want! On the contrary, more borders further restrict people’s freedom. Mainly in a country based on regionalism and eurocentric notions.

Separatists argue that is not possible to indentify what in fact unites
people born in Brasil. We can not but agree. But that’s because all
nations are abstractions! Borders are nothing more than arbitrary
separations, based on superficial or invented similarities that ignore
the original people, such as the Guarani people wo inhabit the region of three states, but also others parts of Brasil and also Paraguay and
Argentina. Nations are born motivated by forced migration, genocides and ethnic cleansing. A nation, however small, is an abstraction that serve us nothing. And inthis case, even worse, because it is racist when it is based on a european ancestry.

These newly invented borders allow us to paint as an enemy who is on the other side of the line, and thus control us all even more (and send us to unfounded wars). In the case of the movement “O Sul é Meu País” (The South is My Country) this enemy is created by placing the southern states as exploited by the northern states. They go so far as to say that the southern states are like a colony from the rest of the country. This myopic view generates a scapegoat and obfuscates the real responsible for scarcity and crisis.

Capitalizing on the growing rejection of partisan politics, the movement balances on a tightrope by declaring itself no-partisan, seeking to appear neutral. Despite this, their laderships can not hide their neoliberal and right-wing tendencies, bordering on fascism. In fact, the independence of the south is even a pattern of neo-nazi movements.

Defenders of the separation of the three southern states say that
“Brasília does not represent us”, but wants to replace it with another
government that, like every government, is a tool to control and oppress the people.
Yes, Brasília (capital of Brasil) does not represent us, but Piratini (capital of this new country) does not represent us either. No one represent us. We are ungovernable!

No more countries! For the end of ALL borders!

in Portuguese, Spanish

[UK] Bang Up and Smash: Women’s Prisons, Probation and Bail Hostels


[New book] Bang-up and Smash  is an overview of women’s prisons in the UK, and a political analysis of their physical and ideological construction.

From the moment of arrest, to coming home, Bang-up and Smash critically engages with the procedures, concepts and apparatus the state relies on, and the economics behind the expansion of the prison industrial complex.

Bang-up and Smash is a practical guide to women’s prisons in the UK, and a rallying call to attack. Solidarity is a weapon, and abolition is not enough…

Click here to download the book.

Print version (paper and hardback) available from active distribution.

For more info email asbo.hmp@riseup.net

Copy left. share, discuss, dismiss…. comments welcome.

[Argentina] WE CAN STILL BE WORSE – Reflections and considerations on the month following the disappearance of Santiago Maldonado

Received 9/24/17

WE CAN STILL BE WORSE
Reflections and considerations on the month following the disappearance of Santiago Maldonado

On August 1st, members of the Pu Lof Mapuche community in resistance in the province Cushamen barricaded National Route 40, along with allies in solidarity. They cut off traffic in solidarity against the legal proceedings confronting el Lonko Facundo Jones Huala (for the second time). Minutes later, cars and trucks arrived carrying about thirty border police armed with rifles. The peñis (Mapuches) began throwing rocks, responding to the presence of the bastard forces of order. The Gendarmerie advances to the shots, burning the precarious houses and belongings of the Lof, forcing the occupiers to retreat across a river. Santiago Maldonado (“Lechuga” or “el Brujo“) fell behind the rest. Some of the inhabitants of the Lof saw that the Gendarmerie grabbed Santiago; others testified as to hearing the police say they “got one.”

Afterwards, images and testimony began to circulate about how Santiago was missing, and that it seemed the Gendarmerie had taken him away in a “unimog” all-terrain military vehicle. The authorities were silent through this whole process.

On Friday, August 4, various anarchists and individuals in solidarity entered the seat of government in Chubut province, demanding Santiago’s return. The place was ripe for destruction. Computers, notebooks, windows, and decorations were all viciously destroyed, and fliers and graffiti were left behind referring to the repression in Cushamen.

On Monday, August 7, a gathering was called in the Plaza del Congreso, bringing various organizations and groups together with Santiago’s family. The gathering ended up being quite large, and many comrades showed up. Enraged not only because of what had happened, but also because the political apparatus — getting ready for their elections — had been distributing fliers for their Leftist Front. On the same day, after the gathering, Entre Ríos street was cut off, and the occupiers threw rocks and firecrackers at the infantry, fending off the two city police and one National Congress guardsman who had been stationed nearby. Afterward, two police motorcycles were set ablaze. In the end, the group dispersed, without any arrests or injuries on our side.

On Friday, August 11, marches and actions were coordinated throughout various parts of the country: Bolsón, Bariloche, Rosario, and Buenos Aires. In the capital, human rights groups (including a section of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo, the mothers of individuals disappeared during the period of dictatorship), gathered alongside family members and friends of Lechuga’s, with more leftist organizations bringing together a “peaceful” gathering in the Plaza de Mayo, in front of the Pink House, the seat of government. In front of the multitude, one of Lechuga’s brothers read some of his writing, leaving his anarchist, anti-police position completely clear.

One of the things that makes us quite angry is the way these events have been used by political parties — the PO, the MST, the MAS socialist convergence, and Kirchnerist parties — as well las NGOs, and unions like the CGT, with its dark history during the Peronist period, involving the AAA and para-police groups. They use partial images and histories of our comrade to give themselves a few more kernels of legitimacy in the middle of an electoral process. The kidnapping of Lechuga IS NOT A POLITICAL CAMPAIGN. These scavengers would never feel strange defending private property, the border police, or even the same governments that repress them and bury them in the misery of everyday life — because they themselves desire to obtain that same power, and exercise that same authority. We have nothing to do with them, or with their conciliatory responses to the kidnapping of our comrade.

On Thursday the 17th, a march was called in Cordoba Capital, where a great multitude demanded that Santiago be returned, alive and whole. The police deployed a massive riot-control apparatus. That same night, in the early morning, some anonymous deployed a rudimentary device that burned out the doors at the entrance to the Association of Non-commissioned Officers of the National Gendarmerie in Córdoba. No one claimed responsibility. Days later, a national march against trigger-happy cops resulted in confrontations and destruction throughout the center of Córdoba. Later, various anarchist, platformist, and political spaces were raided, including a dining hall, as well as the homes of mothers whose children were murdered by the police. Here, they only left with posters, flags, and fliers that had to do with Santiago’s case (as well as the milk from the dining hall). A few people were detained, but they were released after a few hours.

On Thursday the 24th, the group H.I.J.O.S. (made up of children of the disappeared) and other leftist groups called for a gathering and march in the Plaza San Martin in La Plata. Quite a few people attended, including a black bloc of anarchists. During the march, there was vandalism on some of the central streets of the city. The march ended in the same plaza where it had begun, across the street from the Buenos Aires Senate. Under the astonished gaze of several indignant citizens, the street was cut off, a well-placed truck was destroyed, and the senate was attacked with rocks and a pair of molotov cocktails, resulting in some destruction and burning the facade of the building. Two hours later, two individuals left large cans filled with naphtha, burning two cars parked next to the senate. No one claimed responsibility for the attack. Several days later, the intelligence chief of the Buenos Aires police was fired.

In some of these gatherings and marches, as well as in the streets and universities, and above all on social networks, we have seen that the a majority of the public has empathized with Santiago, and a smaller part has supported violent actions. It is true that in Argentina, to speak of forced disappearances is to speak of the military dictatorship and of histories that have been engraved in social sensibility. The vast majority of politicians try to hide the continuation of the repressive apparatus — hide the similarities between the dictatorship and the current democratic government. Repression, torture, and forced disappearances never really ended…

We believe that it is necessary to expand this conflict. From the first moments, comrades and allies creatively demonstrated around the world, first in Uruguay, Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, but then in the U.S., Spain, India, France, Syria, Colombia, Mexico, and many other corners of this worn-out planet. These demonstrations have spread not only the news of what happened to Lechuga, but the fact that solidarity must be internationalist and without borders other than the limits that we set for ourselves.

The press takes aim, and the state pulls the trigger

What to say about the news articles and journalistic investigations by mercenaries like Jorge Lanata, Mauro Viale, Eduardo Feinmann, and other information lackeys in the press? They put forward the name of the Mapuche Ancestral Resistance (RAM, a separatist guerrilla group), crediting them with more than thirty actions from one day to the next, from flyering to the burning of ranches, the death of a border policeman in San Martin de los Andes, and the sale of weapons and drugs. They pass along images of possible future Santiago Maldonados — individuals who could face the same fate — in Mendoza, Entre Rios, and Buenos Aires; they put together theories that Santiago was a hostage of the Mapuches, that he had died in an attack on a ranch, that he was never in the Lof, or that he was a simple artisan or traveling hippie.

After the attack on the seat of government in Chubut, the press attributed the attack to a cell of the RAM, stating that the attack “alarmingly” took place two blocks from the obelisk, and that they went in shooting; but if we look at the place for two seconds through the photos that were released, we can see clearly that there were several circle-A signs painted up, and that the damage was not done by bullets. Their exaggerations really are limitless…

The state needs to vindicate its own authority – it needs to create internal enemies. The unemployment crisis and the general economic crisis have resulted in an emergent malaise that can be felt clearly in the streets; what could be better than blaming the economic collapse on non-Argentine students, like Jorge Lanata’s news program argued? Or blaming the destruction of the formal economy on pirate disc vendors, like the América 24 news channel tried to do? What could be better than the president Mauricio Macri saying that the workers have to stop messing around with all of this about blocking roads, have to going over their bosses heads — because this discourages foreign investment?

Declarations from Patricia Bullrich (the Minister of National Security) have said that she won’t allow the Gendarmerie to be crucified (“…I’m not going to throw the Gendarmerie under the bus…”), claimed that the Maldonado case is not a forced disappearance, and declared through clenched teeth that she thinks it’s impossible that thirty border police would conspire to kill and disappear someone. As she says, this police force is not the same as it was 40 years ago, always playing the same game of “bad dictatorship, good democracy.”

The Bullrich family has always known how to defend their ideological and economic interests. Adolfo Bullrich headed a business that auctioned land off after the disastrous Desert Campaign — a campaign pushed forward by the ten-president Avellanada and continued by Julio A. Roca, the goal of which was to annihilate the native peoples who lived there, seize immense land holdings, reaffirm national sovereignty, and generate juicy business contracts with English and Welsh companies, as well as whoever wanted to invest. Esteban Bullrich, Patricia’s brother, left his post as minister of education in order to stand for election. In an election ad, Esteban spoke of the positive changes that the Cambiemos government had generated during those months, stating “We have put more kids in school, more pavement on the streets, and more young men in prison…” Are these words surprising, coming from someone who defended the repressive murderer Luis Patti so that he could exercise his position in congress? He did declare that in a democracy, there is space for debate between different ideologies…

After the proposal for a week of action for Santiago went out over the internet, state security forces were put on alert — so much so that a senior official in the intelligence department of the federal police sent a document to the governor of the province of Buenos Aires, María Eugenia Vidal (of the center-right PRO party) ordering an increase in security and patrols in the streets. The document described possible attacks, and risks to individuals belonging to the security forces, infrastructure, and buildings. The result was not only a visible increase in the number of police (in plazas, border police buildings, train stations, police precincts, and troubled neighborhoods), but that they brought out the shiny toys that we hadn’t seen for a long while: Federal Police armored vehicles, water cannon trucks, and troop transport vehicles all over the place. Everything but the army in the streets.

This new escalation of repression that has been taking place — and will continue — in the streets of the Capital, demonstrates that the ministry of security, as well as the bosses of police “intelligence” intend to restrict all solidarity, rage, and the actions that were unleashed following Santiago’s disappearance. Perhaps these sparks can bring us to break new limits…

In some of our spaces, their harassment is plainly visible. Now it’s not just phone taps and cops following some comrades home, but investigative teams taking pictures, infantry trucks on the corner, and patrols coming and going.

All of this responds to a specific context. In some neighborhoods of the province of Buenos Aires, police have been stopping members of collectives to ask for their documents and check their belongings; the notable increase in patrols and police officers is not just an effort at control and surveillance, but also at the same time, an attempt to clean up the terrible image of both the border police and the cops. During Children’s Day, border police brought trucks of toys to different schools and cafeterias — that is to say, they shamelessly repeated slogans of “solidarity” in the same places where they perform intelligence work, go in shooting, and carry out fierce repression. If their intelligence work was designed under the framework of Project X in the Kirchner epoch, when they built a database following militants and organizations, now they’ve come out onto the field of play more than ever before, becoming one more shock force that the State can employ in its favor.

Of course, the law follows not far behind, not only with the reform to law 24.660 (which removes almost all prison benefits and temporary releases, giving more decisive power to the Penal Service), but also the increases in sentences, broadening legal definitions of illicit association, carrying weapons, and damage to private property.

Relationships between Mapuches and anarchists

We have seen that in the last couple years, some Mapuche communities have been leaving aside legalistic angles of struggle, and have decided to occupy the properties of large landholders and portions of state land. Machines have been burned, there have been coordinated attacks on various positions on single ranches — similar to what is going on in the Wallmapu on the Chilean side.

The media have taken it upon themselves to declare that all Mapuches belong to the RAM, or that the Mapuches who live in the Lof belong to the RAM, generating a perfect internal enemy. In reality, the RAM (Mapuche Ancestral Resistance) are nothing more than the abbreviation with which some Mapuches claim their actions in the Wallmapu in Argentina.

El Lonko Facundo Jones Huala is recognized as belonging to this Mapuche group. At the moment, he is detained in the prison at Esquel, where he spent 18 days on hunger strike, awaiting a presumed extradition to Chile. He has recognized the occurrence of a historic confrontation not only with the Argentine state, but the Chilean state as well, along with the corporations that have devastated indigenous territories without fear of reprisal, with the excuse of “progress.” This is an ancestral struggle that has lasted more than 500 years. The RAM is only a small expression of this long struggle.

Harassment and persecution not only by the forces of order, but also by the business owners and the media is disgusting. They try to justify both repression and the advance of neocolonialism. They throw out headlines alleging that the Mapuches are connected to the FARC, that they have military assault weapons, that they are “fake indians,” and many other idiocies.

For us as anarchists, it’s impossible not to be angry with the ways that the state harasses, attacks, and disappears the Mapuche, as well as the Qom, the Wichi, or the Guaraní, not to mention the tribes living in the Amazon, who resist the advance of the machines and “human progress” understood as civilization. We share much with the Mapuche who are fighting in the south of the region, but there is also a chasm distancing us from them. Their forms of organization and the relationships that they have developed, involving themselves with nature and the land are a demonstration of their own, specific cosmovision. As anarchists, we recoil from their desire to advance and obtain their own Mapuche nation. We respect their rebel dignity, and will stand in solidarity, but we do not share in the totality of their struggle.

NO DEMANDS ON THE STATE; PERMANENT CONFLICT AGAINST AUTHORITY

We all desire that our comrade be returned alive, that he might follow whatever path he might desire. We know that the state is responsible for this disappearance, because that is one of the functions of persecution and the “extermination” of the “disturbing elements” that impede the normal functioning of society. For the same reason, we cannot demand anything of our persecutors. They are responsible for the disappearances for trafficking, connections between the narcos and the police, executions of youth in our neighborhoods at the hands of the cops, the approval of laws raising sentences, playing with the lives of prisoners, responsible for the application of new technologies for social control, for the destruction of natural territories in order to put up concrete walls and plantations of soy or GMO corn – everything that turns the wheels of capitalist progress.

We feel that they have tried to depoliticize our comrade. They have attempted to deny his anarchist convictions, and they have tried to hold him up as a slogan for one more political campaign. On one hand, Cristina Kirchner and her bootlickers seem to have very short memories: They talk about Santiago, but they evaporate when we bring up Julio López. Although Hebe de Bonafinni (one of the founders of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo) might have said that López was a jailer and that Santiago was a social activist, she said it to defend Kirchenerism. And what’s more, it’s a lie – López was a carpenter and was disappeared in 2006 because he was going to testify against Miguel Osvaldo Etchecolatz, a leader of the forces of repression during the dictatorship. López’ disappearance demonstrates that even after 15 years, the military still has plenty of power. Nor do they want to talk about Luciano Arruga — a youth from the marginal neighborhood Lomas de Mirador, who was kidnapped, murdered, and buried as a John Doe in the la Chacarita cemetery, because he refused to steal for the police. Nor do they want to remember Cristian Ibáñez, who was detained by the police only to later appear to have “killed himself” in his cell in a police precinct in Jujuy, or Marcelo Cuellar, who was murdered in the town of Libertador General San Martín in 2003, at a march following Ibáñez’ murder — both were militants with the Combative Classist Current. They don’t want to talk about Carlos Fuentealba, killed by police repression in Neuquén during a labor organizers’ roadblock of Route 22 in 2007, or Juan Carlos Erazo, killed in Mendoza in 2008 following a brain abscess resulting from an injury when he was hit by a rubber bullet and tear gas, during a factory takeover where he worked. They want to forget that on June 17, 2010, Diego Bonefoi was murdered by police in Bariloche, shot in the back of the head. On the next day, the neighborhood organized a protest, and two more youths were killed in the resulting police repression: Nicolás Carrasco and Sergio Cárdenas. On October 20 of the same year, Mariano Ferreyra – a militant in the Workers’ Party — was shot twice and killed by strikebreakers from the Railway Union, during a protest organized by workers whose jobs at Roca Railways in Avellanada had been outsourced. During the Kirchner era, indigenous peoples have had the same bad luck. The indigenous community member Javier Chocobar, part of a Diaguita community in Tucumán, was resisting displacement alongside other members of the community. On October 12, 2009, An ex-police member in service of the landowners drove in and started shooting, killing and injuring other inhabitants of the community. On November 23, 2010, in Formosa, some indigenous Qom members of the community La Primavera blocked a road to reclaim their lands. The police repressed them violently, murdering two members of the community, Sixto Gómez and Roberto López

This has not only taken place under Kirchenerism. All governments are of one color, and have dozens of repressive murders on their hands. Further back there are Víctor Choque, Teresa Rodríguez, Mauro Ojeda, Francisco Escobar, Aníbal Verón, Carlos Santillán, Oscar Barrios, the youths Maximiliano Tasca, Cristian Gómez, Adrián Matassa, Miguel Bro, Javier Barrionuevo, Petete Almirón, Dario Santillán and Maximiliano Kosteki, and so many more who have been beaten, tortured, disappeared, and murdered by the forces of order — in neighborhoods, in police precincts, in psychiatric hospitals, in brothels and jails.

Their hands are bloody — soaked with the blood of the marginalized, the blood of illegals, the blood of rebels. Passivity is not an option: It’s time to demand vengeance. Vengeance against the executioners, and vengeance for the life of misery they have imposed. Vengeance for their constant violence. There has never been peace, with so many dead, and we know who is responsible. We know their names, their titles, and their intentions. They try to call us infiltrators, to call us violent, and we reply:

WE CAN STILL BE WORSE…
Some anarchists in Buenos Aires, September 2017

in Spanish, Portuguese

[Argentina] Destroy Sergeant(ina)

Headquarters of the GEO (special group of anti terrorist operations) in Argentina.

received 08/09/17

Destroy Sergeantina!!!

Those are not just words: we reached the “level” of direct action and they lie about us because they fear us. Not everything that happens hits the system’s newspapers! Even ours! And everything runs really fast, comrades. Revolutionary vertigo, which shakes up the heart: it was what we wanted and finally what we’ve got. Let’s not flatter ourselves. As our beutiful comrades from Portugal warn us, let’s be intelligent: neither “library anarchism” nor “self destructive punk”, fine? We don’t make up anything. We met el Lechu and better listen to us very well those who now claim he is a public figure… He is, to say, one of us: ANARCHIST! Enemy of the state, the capital and the shitty “social peace” of those who now (…and may a lightning fall in the head of those who call him “ayahuasca junkie”) whip his missing doing politics with our ideals. We are not “infiltrated”, as those people conniving with the spectacle cluck every time it burns passion for the anarchic revolt.

In August 31, the building of GEOF was torched… the “anti terrorist” Federal Operations Special Group building in the middle of the burgeosie neighborhood of Palermo… plenty Buenos Aires downtown, and the shitty media has hidden; they did the same thing with a lot of offensives that, did not even go through their heads, could strike their power structures.

After the demonstration, on September 1, the 35th Gendarmerie Battalion was almost torched with Molotovs (were they “infiltrated”, too?).

In La Plata, we torched a part of the senate, and then there was an attack on the security ministry, with a wounded gendarme and burned cars, with no arrests.

After the demo in Buenos Aires, where 31 people were arrested, without even being at the barricade of Avenida de Mayo, the media again said that everything was calm until about twenty hooded ones attacked the government building and were, by little, near to burn his filthy office.

It did not end there: the headquarters of the gendarmerie were destroyed in a coordinated action of great risk and great bravery…

We can not fail to mention the repression in Cordoba! Police officers entered several anarchist spaces (information about that are circulating in the networks), in the provincial capital, and took drums and banners.
The fascist newspaper “La Nación” now aims at the former FLA (Argentinean anarchist federation), which has now become an anarchist cultural center, let us stay alert… If they touch one @, they touch all @ and even if the repression become stronger, we will make their worst nightmares turn into reality.

We thank the Contra Info for its work and also to all those who (everywhere) support our struggle until death against all authority.

M@K (i), Anarchic. Kosmic. informal Movement

SANTIAGO ALWAYS PRESENT, WAR AGAINST THE KILLER STATE. WE WILL NEVER GIVE UP. WE WILL DESTROY YOUR SYSTEM!!! AND MAY THE FEAR DISSOLVE: ANARCHY, ANARCHY NOW!!!

translated by tormentas de fogo

Translators note:
This made us give a smile of complicity to our comrades fighting in the territory under domain of the argentinian state. This one text is claiming responsibility of some actoins on the agitation month for Santiago Maldonado. It has also a statement about some lies thrown against them by the masses. For example, in august 1st demos they were accused of being “infiltrated” just because they chose to disrupt normality instead of behave peacefully. This is what happens when the state attacks us. We hit them back with all our strength!!! WE WANT OUR COMRADE BACK NOW!!!

In Spanish l Portuguese  l German

[Zurich 2016] Radio Silence: A collection of texts about sabotage, repression and smoke signals from clandestinity

In mid-July 2016, a cell tower was set on fire in Zurich, sabotaging the city for several days (causing 100 000 francs of damages). This cell-tower was used as an emergency radio antenna for the city police of Zurich, an essential infrastructure, guaranteeing both its internal communication and contributing to maintain its control and authority externally.

The day after this sabotage, the police carried out different house searches in different swiss cities. According to the warrants, an “a person specifically suspected” was being searched, because “some objects which personally belonged to him had been found”. However the cops left the houses with empty hands. Since then, the internationally searched individual, an anarchist comrade, is not to be found.

With the present pamphlet, Radio Silence, we have wanted to assemble in chronological order different articles already published about the above-mentioned situation, which are for the most part taken from the anarchist newspaper Dissonanz from Zurich. During these intense times and with the over-saturation of information that has been given to us, it is not rare that radical events are re-absorbed by the rhythm of the times. Radio Silence intends to make us stop for a moment, to avoid the omnipresent flux of different facts, and to look back, understand, reflect.

Click here to download the cover, and here for the English pdf of the pamphlet Funktstille.

Greek prisons: A statement in support of the US prison mobilization by CCF-FAI/FRI Urban Guerrilla Cell (released Sept. 9th)

Soledad Brothers (from left to right): John Clutchette, George L. Jackson (September 23, 1941 — August 21, 1971) and Fleeta Drumgo

“Gentlemen, the Dragon Will Fly Out”
In Support of September 9th Mobilization in US Prisons

“Gentlemen, the dragon will fly out” is a saying attributed to prisoner George Jackson. On August 21st 1971, holding a pistol, he opened all the cells in an adjustment unit, taking jailers hostage. George Jackson was killed in his attempt to escape…

Since September 9th, prisoners in the United States have called for action against slavery.

A multitude of “invisible” slaves (there are about 2.5 million prisoners in the United States) are condemned to forced labor, or as jailers of their own selves (internal work in prisons, cleaning, repairs, technical operations), or as cheap meat in the service of corporate behemoths (Honda, McDonald’s, Wendy’s, Victoria’s Secret, Starbucks, and many others). Besides, the 13th amendment to the US constitution clearly states: “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, EXCEPT as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted…” To put it simply, detainees are considered slaves as part of their punishment.

Prisons in America—and not just there–aren’t only bars, walls, surveillance cameras or lockdowns. They’re also an enormous lucrative business. Prisons are a dirty dealing for continuously supplied shackled labor force without name and without voice. They represent a modern slave trade, making billion-dollar profit, that not only supplies the companies-caretakers but also the industry of lawyers, judges, cops, corrections officers, private prisons.

Not long ago yet another judicial scandal, the “kids for cash” case, was revealed. President Judge Mark Ciavarella convicted juveniles (from 10 to 18 years of age) for the slightest offense, taking million-dollar kickbacks from the owners of private prisons Powell and Mericle with the purpose of supplying them with thousands of children prison slaves.

In Greece, incarceration is much more “velvet”, but it doesn’t cease to be incarceration. Greek prisons may not supply multinational companies with slaves, but that doesn’t mean they’re not a well-staged business operation. Not only do prisons fund an army of leeches (lawyers, cops, corrections officers, judges), but they make big business with construction companies (through overpriced contracts), pharmaceutical companies (after Greek hospitals, Greek prisons are the second best customer of the pharmaceutical industry, since handfuls of psychiatric drugs are administered to prisoners to keep them asleep), and large supermarket chains (always making sure to overprice items sold to prisoners).

Throughout America, massive arrests of suspects—that include humiliations, beatings, and shootings in the back—do not just serve “the restoration of the law”, but are a modern slave hunt for exploitation.

“Let the crops rot in the plantation fields,” write the prisoners in their callout against slavery, recalling the history of slaves in America; because sometimes, to move forward, you must go back to the roots, into the past. For every story of slaves there’s a story of a Spartacus.

Prisoners didn’t randomly choose the date of September 9th to begin their struggle. Forty five years ago, on September 9th 1971, a unique day was written in the calendar of dignity and struggle. It was on the fourth day of Attica riots that 1,000 cops stormed the prison, leaving behind 43 dead, including 33 inmates and 10 hostages (corrections officers and civilian employees), and 250 wounded. Back then, prisoners demanded amnesty, the release of political prisoners, and an end to torture. Now, they want to stop being slaves.

The Attica prison rebellion wasn’t a firework but the culmination of a decision taken by prisoners, expressed through slogans like: “If we cannot live as human beings, we will at least try to die as humans.” With so much blood already shed in a tide of events and acts, they had ruled out any possibility of making a return to prison normalcy.

Prisoners George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo and John Clutchette, known as the “Soledad Brothers”, were accused of killing a prison guard at Soledad prison on January 16th 1970, in retaliation for the murder of three fellow prisoners by a corrections officer during a fight between inmates three days prior.

On August 7th 1970, George Jackson’s brother, Jonathan, stormed the Marin County courthouse armed with a shotgun and revolvers and alongside three prisoners, who attended a trial inside, took the Judge, the District Attorney and three jurors hostage. Jonathan and the prisoners demanded the release of the “Soledad Brothers”. The court was surrounded, and a shootout with cops and jailers ensued. Two of the prisoners, Jonathan Jackson and the judge held hostage were gunned down.

On August 21st 1971, George Jackson was shot to death by a guard at San Quentin prison. Jackson was carrying a gun and intended to escape. A disturbance in the prison occurred just before the killing, when three guards and two inmates-snitches were executed.

All these individual acts of rebellion were not detached from the collective power that the prisoners had begun to develop. These actions exceeded the prison walls and nurtured, and were nurtured by, the rebellions of blacks against racism and the movement against the Vietnam War at the time. Nowadays, the struggle of prisoners in the US against slavery is also tied to the movement in protest of police violence and shootings against black people.

Naturally, such struggles are closer to civil rights movements rather than total liberation movements. However, the prisoners themselves state: “We are not making demands or requests of our captors.”

Oftentimes in these struggles, such as we’ve experienced in Greek prisons, there’s a large portion of the prison population who insist on non-violence and “negotiating unionism” logic that leads to wire-pulling and emergence of representatives with personal ambitions. We therefore don’t want to falsify the characteristics of an intermediate struggle to make it appear as anarchic.

Anarchist prisoner Michael Kimble, apparently designated as a “ringleader” of rebellions, has criticized the pacifism that lurks in such mobilizations, stating: “I struggle within F.A.M. (Free Alabama Movement) not because I believe in the system, but because it causes pain to the state, but in no way do I think F.A.M. or any of the Freedom movements are going to topple the state.”

Intermediate struggles, when restricted in sectional demands, maim any total liberation perspective. The interest of an anarchist towards intermediate struggles is, through their intervention, to turn them into the accelerator of insurgency and revolution. There were plenty of moments when instances of prison struggle and armed urban guerrilla experiences mutually fed into one another. In the US, the Weather Underground organization attacked courts (Marin County courthouse, Long Island courthouse, and corrections offices) in solidarity with rebellious prisoners. In Germany, the RAF attacked several judicial officers and prosecutors in retaliation for the isolation of their imprisoned comrades, while in 1993 they literally blew up the Weiterstadt prison. In Italy, the Red Brigades, NAP (organization originating within prison walls), Prima Linea and many more armed cells organized escapes and kidnappings to release their comrades, and executed judges. On October 2nd 1979, political prisoners revolted and set fire to the Asinara maximum security prison. In Spain, GRAPO targeted prison governors and prison doctors.

In Greece, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire blew up the Thessaloniki courthouse and the Athens administrative court of first instance, placed a bomb outside Koridallos prison in 2010, and in cooperation with the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) attacked interrogating judges, prison directors and corrections officers.

In every part of the Earth, prisons are a monument of people’s enslavement. Prisons are the most concentrated form of tyranny; the face of Power, without any makeup; the punitive nature of democracy; the vengeful sense of its justice. Every attack, every act of rebellion, every mobilization that disturbs the operation of prisons is a kick in the guts of oppression. It challenges its omnipotence, within its own walls. Certainly, the September 9th mobilization against slavery in US prisons may not be the anarchic utopia of freedom we wish for, but it can be a pebble in the pond that creates small ripples in the water. And oftentimes these ripples precede the outbreak of an enormous tide…

The Return
For nine months before the state police came
and opened fire at Attica penitentiary
prison doctors said to sick Puerto Ricans
who understood only Spanish
“First learn English, then you can come back.”
It’s difficult to learn English when you’re dead
but they will come back for sure…
(Erich Fried, “The Return: Attica State Prison”)

Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Urban Guerrilla Cell
FAI/FRI
Gerasimos Tsakalos
Christos Tsakalos
Giorgos Polidoros
Olga Ekonomidou

September 9th 2016
Koridallos prisons (Athens, Greece)

in Greek

Greece: Lets destroy them first! Statement after evictions in Thessaloniki

received August 14th 2016

This is an individual statement after the trial that followed an action against the Orthodox Church in Thessaloniki. Although this statement doesn’t represent anybody except myself and may include an uncompleted picture, I decided that it should be spread. Never trust the media!

Unsurprisingly, the three evictions in Thessaloniki on 27th of July resulted in furious actions. The squats were evicted by a coordinated police operation to do the Church a favor and satisfy their thirst for revenge. The Church is in this case not only an agitator but also responsible for the eviction and demolition of Orfanotrofio squat (a selforganized space and housing squat for immigrants since December 2015).

On 31st July, 25 people in solidarity have been arrested at the Metropolitan Church in the center of Thessaloniki. Thanks to the authorities of the Orthodox Church, everybody had to stand trial on 1st of August, for an action that interrupted the Sunday Mass. Most of the arrested people refused to provide fingerprints, considering the consequence that they will get an additional accusation. During the trial a big crowd expressed their solidarity and full-throated support. After some hours in the court the show was over and only those who didn’t participated in the procedure of fingerprints/photographs got sentenced. Everyone got released, but this trial is just a tiny chapter of the script that the court performs every day. And we know as well that the court fulfills the cruel interests of the state and the bosses.

Apart from that, we do not intend to make the authority by the Church look harmless. The Church has the same pillars as any other institution: obedience, modern serfdom and punishment, among others. Everybody who despise their authoritarian, patriarchal and colonial ideology becomes an enemy. Of course, we are their enemy as well. That the passion for freedom is not compromisable with conservative values and the duty to obey authority should be clear.

When it comes to religion it isn’t very clear for everybody, sometimes not even between those who fight together. To demand free exercise of religion or to dream of an utopia without religious conflicts is not a neutral position. It is a position which is taking for granted that religion is just an idea. Religion is not an idea everybody can create, transform and use, it is an instrument of power. The meanings are given by those who have the power to define values, laws and unwritten laws. It is likely that believers become an agent for their religion, but power is in any case a precondition to reframe the ruling definitions. For centuries the Church is seeking domination without knowing any limits and gained power by expanding their beliefs. Therefore an anarchist perspective must be against religion and not (only) against religion used as a vehicle for propaganda or conflicts motivated by religion.

Anarchy is something that we cannot break down to an ideology or a single idea. That’s why anarchism has many different tendencies, but there are of course practices that we can count as fully contradictory. Support for political parties and elections is for example undermining anarchist basics. We should definitely discuss more about an anarchist approach regarding religion. The indoctrinated habit to question any kind of attack against religion, is something that needs to be reconsidered and understood as belittlement. From my point of view „freedom of religion“ as a law and a concept is just victim blaming.

If we enter the courthouse it becomes obvious that the state and the Church build the same repressive organism. A painting of Jesus Christ (Fuck the Artist!) above the judge and the holy bubblegum in front of the judge symbolize the power of the Church and the strong interconnection with the state institutions. Wherever people pay in to religious beliefs, authorities will try to use them for their adventure of a giant-empire.

It was not the first time that the Church attacked selforganized structures of unconditional solidarity and resistance. Knowing that it was neither the last eviction, as a minimum response we have to confront Syriza with our rage and fight for the continuity of rebellious communities. If the caricatures in the parliament, in the church and in the media want to feed us with lies about humanitarian war-zones/borders/military camps: Lets destroy them first!

Finally, I must say that I refused to give my fingerprints because there are absolutely no reasons why I should help the armed dogs doing their filthy job. I made my decision. It is a decision against the law that represents the state and the capital. Laws that protect fascist murderers and police officers who kill unarmed people. This time we were all successful in the crucial moments, when they wanted to take our fingerprints. While this time they took only fingerprints from few people who agreed in the procedure, there have been many times before, where the police took them by force, being extremely violent.

If they try to break the solidarity between us – Lets destroy them first!
Nothing is over, everything continues!
Fuck charity! Squat the world!

Recently two anarchist comrades, Marios Seisidis and Kostas Sakkas, were arrested in the area of Sparta and beaten by police because they refused to provide fingerprints and photographs.

Strength to Marios Seisidis and Kostas Sakkas!

Latest update concerning M. Seisidis and K. Sakkas here.

Malmö: Action against the Swedish border control and Fortress Europe

Received April 9th, 3:30pm: This very moment activists from Southern Sweden onboard on a train from Copenhagen’s airport Kastrup bound to Sweden, Malmö refuse to show ID cards during border checks initiated by Sweden in November 2015 to prevent refugees from reaching its territory. This is an action against Fortress Europe and in solidarity with thousands of detained and deported refugees in Europe and Turkey. What follows is the communiqué of their action.

WE WON’T SHOW ID CARDS!

On November 12, 2015, Sweden introduced border checks to prevent refugees from entering in its territory. This development led to the establishment of a reinforced and well-organized border-check apparatus, despite the fact that the Swedish Prime Minister Stefan Löfvén stated in September 2015 that “my Europe does not build walls”. Suddenly, Europe’s “most open and tolerant society” took the lead in a violent domino effect of closed borders across the European continent. Sweden was the first nation-state that turned its back to refugees and established Fortress Europe “2.0”. In times when anti-racism and solidarity are mostly needed, when residencies for asylum seekers are burned down and racialized individuals are attacked on the streets, the Swedish state decided to establish long-lasting and enhanced border checks. “We need breathing-space” (PM Stefan Löfvén, 2015/11/2).

After positive opinion surveys for border checks in the Swedish press and increasing percentages for fascist movements (such as the Swedish Democrats), the whole Swedish political system adopted a racist refugee policy. The Swedish parliamentarism closed borders, nazis established anti-immigrant street patrols and a crisis-rhetoric in mainstream media fueled an implicit as well as explicit racist propaganda about the “risks” with open borders. “Refugee flows responsible for spreading the multi-resistant bacteria MRSA” (Sydsvenskan, 2016/1/2).

Fascism on the rise is not solely a Swedish phenomenon. The whole of Europe suffers from similar tendencies that also materialize in e.g. EU’s migration and border policy. The creation of FRONTEX, the Dublin Regulation and the latest deal with Turkey reveals that Europe enables flow of goods and capital but leaves outside its walls humans in need. The deal with Turkey signifies an unambiguous capitalist business where both partners win.  EU bribes Turkey with money, visa-free travel for Turkish citizens in Europe and a promise for a Turkish EU candidacy anew. As compensation, Turkey will make sure that a great deal of refugees will stay away from the EU. In other words, this means that the humanitarian refugee crisis becomes a money issue, namely, the EU sells its responsibility. But to prevent people to apply for asylum is against the western liberal international regulations (e.g. the Geneva Convention for refugees’ rights). Turkey is not a safe place for refugees to stay, that is, it is absolutely immoral of EU to deport refugees to a country in civil war.

Land borders define the state’s geographical authority and the imaginary demarcation of nations. Border checks in Hyllie, Malmö were introduced for one reason: to remind everyone that the European wall is not abstract – it materializes state power over people’s lives and bodies. Therefore, we refuse today to let national borders’ violence without resistance. Today, we fight back against state’s exercise of power. We refuse to show our ID cards. This is not just a symbolic action, but also a concrete effort to violate borders’ normalcy.

Open the borders between Sweden and Denmark NOW!
Free passage to refugees and immigrants
Solidarity with refugees and all who fight with them

No push-backs to Turkey! No deportations! No one is illegal!

SMASH FORTRESS EUROPE!

Finland: Fennovoima, Securitas, arson – and ear pounding silence

Received April 3rd:

When checking the interwebs on 29th of March we found an interesting contradiction.

The local yellow press price winner, Ilta-Sanomatm published a short article about two magically self-combusted cars of the private security company Securitas. At the same time an anonymous operator claimed responsibility on torching these vehicles, stating the following:

“…With this attack we want to bring to light the co-operation between Securitas and Fennovoima nuclear energy company that is known for its destruction of the environment. The 1st of April will be the first day that Securitas will be in charge of (security of) the construction site in Hanhikivenniemi, where the nuclear plant is meant to be built.

With this arson we welcome Securitas to Fennovoima! We want to send our solidarity to Monica and Francisco. And all the prisoners of the world!”

Takku.net is, by its own definition, a do-it-yourself alternative media project: and for many state officials and regular citizens, it strongly connects to the anarchist scene and other forms of grass root radicalism.

This time the Pyhäjoki anti-nuclear protest camp doesn’t comment on the practice of burning vehicles or Takku.net. In this particular case, we see something much more interesting to poke at.

Silence around the Fennovoima-Rosatom project has been notoriously ear pounding ever since Rosatom came along in 2014. Couple of heavy duty journalists and selected party politicians have wondered over this phenomenon, stating that they’re never before experienced such during their careers: usually when you publish an article with strong statements and unpleasant information, the target of it at least publishes that usual “well it surely wasn’t like that and on what this journalist has to back up their claims?” -feedback. In Fennovoima’s case: just – silence.

Statements and comments of Rosatom simply just using nuclear power as a tool for geopolitics and as a method of attaching states to Russian interests with financial ties has been left categorically unanswered. The president Sauli Niinistö and minister Olli Rehn have turned coats over nuclear power in general after visits to Moscow started a regular pace – not to forget the nomination of yesterday’s Finnish politicians. The former Prime Minister Esko Aho just got a post from Sperbank, a Russian bank directly under command of Kreml and one of the financiator’s of Rosatom and the post box company Migrit, wich was used to arrange more time for Fennovoima during summer 2015 to have their licence papers sorted out in given time.

Now, Takku.net is a source yellow press has so far loved to use as a source for high-flying, click-gathering articles and speculations about radicals, anarchists, ecoterrorists and other grass root movements they like to give funky names to. But this time something’s different: there’s a claim of responsibility and an open statement about politically motivated arson, of a direct attack at law and order – and no yellow paper goes poking on it. No media channel pick on it. Earlier on, they have sank their teeth on anything available on such topics, truthful or not, no difference: it’s the speculations and big headlines that sell. But this they decided to look the other way.

We do not speculate. We just observe. What could possibly be a reason big, scary or important enough to leave such a click-gatherer untouched? After all, we all know Fennovoima-Rosatom is not about energy politics, but simple geopolitics. So profoundly perhaps, that even the commercial media bows their heads to that?

Germany: The conflict against RWE at hambach forest has intensified…

The conflict against RWE at hambacher forest has intensified with every day since the beginning of this new year.

Many individuals embracing a diverse variety of tactics have been hard at work bringing anarchic mischief to the mine.

Some elements of practical refusal from the occupiers of the forest include:

* The continuous barricading of the roads used by security and construction vehicles, as well as structural damage to the bridges they use with fire and pick axes.

*Tree-spiking and the placement of “potential improvised explosive devices” in threatened areas of the forest, as well as more and more barricades, platforms and tree-defenses deeper in the woods.

*The technological apparatus of RWE such as pumping stations, radio-masts and electrical transformers being set aflame almost daily.

*Sabotage of coal-transportation infrastructure, such as short circuiting the power lines running above the train tracks and burning of electrical components alongside the railway.

*Numerous attacks with stones, slingshots, fireworks and molotov cocktails against the mines security forces, either ambushed on their patrols, or directly confronted at checkpoints. Many of these acts have now been carried out in revenge for the attempted murder, hospitalization and subsequent imprisonment of one comrade on the 21st of January. Continue reading Germany: The conflict against RWE at hambach forest has intensified…

‘Freeganism is not anarchy, it’s just easy’

Final version received December 23rd:

INTRODUCTION

We are writing this zine to create a discussion about freeganism and whether or not it has any place in the struggle towards total liberation. We (the authors) identify as anarchists, and recognise that human supremacy is one of the most widespread and destructive authoritarian constructs to exist in the shit hole that is industrial society.

Veganism for us is not about dietary or consumer choices but is part of an intersectional approach to living in a non hierarchical way that seeks to actively confront and challenge the structures and ways of life under the various systems of authority.

This zine is directed at people who associate themselves with anarchism and seek to challenge hierarchy in their day to day lives.

If you seriously think that you can vote with your money and that consumer choices will shape the future of human relationships or the wellbeing of the earth and all of its inhabitants, then please put this zine down and continue living in your bubble full of hope. We aim to create a more radical critique of human supremacy than a simple economic-centric catch phrase.

Since the antiglobalisation movement has discovered there is food to be found in dumpsters, people made up this funny word freeganism, and created an anticapitalist critique to go with it, some might even claim it is a lifestyle. This trend is blocking the path towards total liberation since it is blurring the lines between speciesism and anticapitalism[1], creating confusing situations. Such as walking into an anarchist space to find people with ALF patches skinning a rabbit in the middle of the room and preparing a pot of stinking roadkill bone broth, preaching that this is a more natural way of living. Which is exactly the same kind of rhetoric that homophobes and sexists use to defend their stupid shit.

[1] This blurring of lines between anticapitalism and speciesism is problematic, as it is the blending of anticapitalist and ANTI-speciesist critiques that we believe will create a more well rounded anarchist analysis. Since the anticapitalist movement in itself is not free from hierarchy and in many ways is unreflective on the methods and tactics that it uses, anti-speciesism, feminism, and so on are often pushed aside by staunch anticapitalists in order to say that these problems are products of capitalism itself and will be solved automatically when capitalism is removed/reformed (delete as applicable).

We would like to start this discussion by defining veganism, freeganism and anarchism as we interpret them.

Veganism
To exclude and avoid as much as possible the use, cruelty to and consumption of animals and products derived from animals, for food clothing and entertainment. To view all animals (human and nonhuman alike) as separate individuals each with the desire and will for freedom. Veganism for us is a logical extension of our anarchist thought to recognise the situations faced by all beings under attack by oppression.

Freeganism
Some would say common activities practised world-over for centuries like hopping trains, hitchhiking, shoplifting, table diving as methods to not spend money to live are part of a ‘freegan lifestyle’ for reasons such as carbon footprints, environmental reasons and to ‘make a stand’ against capitalism. The practise of paying lip service to veganism is adopted by some freegans by only eating animal ‘products’ that otherwise would be wasted, as an anticapitalist attempt to combat meat and dairy industries.

Anarchism
A method of working towards dismantling hierarchies and social relations that are built on authoritarian structures, to create moments of freedom where we are not suffocated by oppressive bullshit (i.e. patriarchy, religion, states, racism etc.[2]) by constantly attacking and challenging these vile constructs wherever they may arise with whatever tools available, within each individual’s personal ability.

[2] These constructs are not put in any specific order of importance, nor is it in any way a wholly comprehensive list of the oppressive systems faced by individuals.

ANIMALS ARE NOT PRODUCTS

Freegan arguments such as using the corpses and secretions of animals that are not directly paid for is better because it does not directly contribute monetarily to these industries or that is more ‘respectful’ to ‘honour’ the dead body by eating it, do nothing to develop a radical critique outside of the narrow lens provided by capitalism itself.

This last argument is inherently speciesist in the sense that no freegan would attempt to eat your dead dog to prevent their corpse from ‘going to waste’, because we are socialised by the capitalist-industrial media to view ‘pet animals’ such as dogs as individuals (to an extent) and not cows, chickens, pigs, fish, sheep, and so on (unless they are viewed as one’s personal property). Even to view these animals and their secretions as ‘waste’ is deeply entrenched in a capitalistic and anthropocentric mindset, since it still sees animals as ‘things’ to be used by humans and not to be reabsorbed into ecosystems as they would naturally.

By eating or wearing the corpses and secretions of animals, we normalise the idea that their sole existence is to serve ‘humanity’ as mere products and resources to be harvested and consumed rather than living individual persons. This plays directly into the hands of the hierarchical, human supremacist ideals which are the foundations[3] of the oppressive capitalist-industrial system that anarchists oppose.

[3] “Let us make human beings in our image, to be like us. They will reign over the fish in the sea, the birds in the sky, the livestock, all the wild animals on the earth, and the small animals that scurry along the ground.” This quote (Genesis 1:26) already shows us that the idea of human supremacy and a feeling of entitlement over the lives of other animals (as well as patriarchy, racism, and so on) was and still is fundamental to the development of the global techno-industrial system which is rooted in Christian morality, forced onto the idiot masses by superstition and authoritarian tyranny.

THE MYTH OF SUSTAINABILITY, AND CONSUMER CHOICE

Many freegans would say that their lifestyle is rooted in some idealistic activism and that they try to engage with their political surroundings by aiming to live ‘sustainably’ with a low carbon footprint. They see their spending or rather, non-spending habits as something that interacts with supply and demand, thus creating the illusion that by changing their methods of consumption they have a voice with which they can shape society. The relationship between freegans and the global capitalist system is akin to a sort of personal greenwashing. By taking the ‘waste product’ from dumpsters and roadsides freegans attempt to rid themselves of the guilt of directly contributing to the exploitation of animals and the earth.

Freeganism is often cited as a ‘sustainable answer’ to the wastefulness of society. But there can be no such thing as freeganism without industrialised agriculture and a manufactured dependency on petro-chemicals. In order to mean anything it requires the overproduction of everything. It is merely a symptom of exploitative capitalistic relations rather than an answer to them. A philosophy as empty and limited as the society it’s built upon.

How can anyone call freeganism a sustainable way of living? It is a supposed solution built upon the problem and cannot go beyond the initial problem because it is passive in its nature and does not directly confront the unfair distribution of food, but simply exploits the privilege of living in countries where food[4] is so readily wasted.

This is not to say that we see dumpster-diving as a waste of time in itself, we just do not support the idea that it is a political strategy to affect change. We dumpster dive and shoplift for survival, and to free us from the burden of work so that we have more time to spend hitting cops and breaking things and other subversive projects relevant to anarchism. Continue reading ‘Freeganism is not anarchy, it’s just easy’

Paris: Neither their War, nor their Peace

Neither their War, nor their Peace!

We must annihilate the enemies of the Republic… and strip those who besmirch the French spirit of their nationality.”
Manuels Valls, Prime Minister, 14th of November 2015

If one has to recognize a certain continuity of the French Republic, its for sure the continuity of mass murder. From the State Terror of 1793-1794 which gave birth to the word terrorism to the slaughter of the insurgents of 1848 and those of the Commune of 1871; from the colonisation or the deportation of Jews made possible by prior screening and filing to the massacres of Algerian demonstrators in 1961 in the heart of Paris, all French Republics have massacred without counting so that the powerful might continue to dominate and exploit everyone. The French Republic is a mountain of corpses of which the filth that composes the summit has only be able to stay in place by crushing its true enemies, the rebels and revolutionaries who fought for a world of justice and freedom. The “French spirit”, if this enormous stupidity would ever exist, would be a closet filled up until the point of bursting with voices crying for vengeance against the bourgeois, the politicians, the cops, the soldiers and the priests who have trampled them to establish their power.

Ah, but that’s all rubbish from the past, isn’t it? Do the decades of civil participation, commodity integration and generalised dispossessing really made forget those who still preserved a slightest touch of sensibility that firing randomly into the crowd is not an exclusivity of remote terrorists? That since several years the French State is making its great return on the international scene of state terrorism by multiplying its military attacks in the four corners of the globe (Libya, Mali, Afghanistan, Ivory Coast, Somalia, Central Africa, Iraq, Syria)? The pretext changes each time, but the reasons stay the same: to maintain control of strategic resources, to win new markets and influence zones, to preserve its interests against competitors, to avoid that insurrections are transformed into experiments of freedom. And if it was still needed, warnings have been given also to avert the indolent that this war logic will not know any territorial limit: the death of a demonstrator last year in Sivens or the bodies riddled with shrapnel in Notre-Dame-des-Landes and in Montabot recall that the offensive grenades in khaki do not hesitate, also not here, to be launched against crowds as to sow terror.

Because what else is terrorism than randomly hitting the crowd with the aim of preserving or conquering power? A bit like the rich do by killing and mutilating daily millions of people on the job in name of the money generated by their exploitation. A bit like the industrialists and their white collar lackeys do by poisoning durably all life on earth. A bit like all the States do who lock up behind four walls and slowly torture those excluded from their commodity paradises and those who rebelled against their laws. A bit like the grrreat democracies who turned the Mediterranean Sea into a cemetery of thousands of undesirables who did wrong by not having the right piece of paper in their pockets. But the peace of the State and of capitalism comes at this price. The peace of the powerful is war against the dominated, on the inside as well on the outside of their borders.

The 13th of November 2015 in Paris, the rule of the game has been respected. They may call themselves Islamic or Republican, Caliphate or Democracy, a State is a State: an authoritarian power whose mass violence applies to all those who do not bow for their sovereign order. One of the principles of all States is to only recognize subjects. Subjects who have to obey the laws dictated from above, it is to say, the exact contrary of free individuals who can self-organize without being commanded and without commanders. From the bombardments of Dresden and Hiroshima to the villages of Vietnam wiped out with napalm or the cities of Syria wrecked by barrels of TNT, States never hesitated in their dirty wars to sacrifice a part of their own population, or of their competitors. By randomly killing Parisian passersby to punish their State, the small soldiers of Daech did nothing else but reproducing the implacable logic of their adversaries. A terrible logic, as terrible as any state power can be.

The state of emergency is declared in France since yesterday, a measure of internal war of a government who places the country in conformity with its politics of international terrorism, is just a step further in the basic practices of any government, aiming to forcibly normalize life, to its institution codification, to its technological standardization. Because what is the State seeing when looking to the future? Economical cracks, mass unemployment, exhaustion of resources, international military conflicts, civil wars, ecological disasters, exodus of populations… In short, he see an ever more unstable world where the poor are ever more numerous and concentrated, a world sweating despair which is becoming a gigantic powder keg, engulfed by tensions of all kinds (social, identitarian, religious). A world in which the lighting of the smallest spark, whatever it might be, should not be tolerated by an ever more totalitarian democracy. So, just as “civil” is another word for “cop”, the “war on terrorism” means above all the war against all those who are breaking away from the ranks of power. To all the deserters of social pacification, to all the deserters of the wars between the powerful and the authoritarians, lets sabotage the National Unity…

A bad subject,
enemy of the Republic and of all States
Paris, 14th of November 2015

Pamphlet spread in Paris, originally published on November 15th 2015.
PDF in French here.

Belgium: Demolish Forest Prison today! Sabotage the construction of the maxi-prison of tomorrow

The walls of the Prison of Forest resonates loudly…

When we hear the echoes that pierce through the walls of the Forest prison, when we have suffered it’s confinement in putrid cells, when we visit someone close completely ruined by their detention, there is only one possible sane reaction: the scream of rage.

The years pass and the suicides and deaths in this Brussels jail link together, the scandals that occasionally erupt disappear as quickly as they appeared and detention conditions only get worse. The years pass and every day this prison remains standing, we somehow all become accomplices to these atrocities by the state inflicted against detainees, in the name of the Law and Order. Of course, we don’t forget there are those who bear more responsibility: politicians, prison officers, execution guards, doctors who cover up abjections with their silence, companies that make money from this prison. But the shadow of Forest weighs on us all. It exists also because we continue to accept it’s suffering.

You see, the line between inside and outside is not as transparent as you might believe. When by our silence or by our resignation we endorse the existence of a place so abject as the Forest prison, next to our homes, the walls transpire to be not thick enough to rid ourselves of all responsibility. Prison is an issue that concerns us all, whether we like it or not.

So it’s clear. What we talk about here is not to depress us, or even to “feel sorry” over the fate of detainees. It is a scream of rage, because it alone could be able to stop what’s happening behind the barbed wire of the Forest prison. It alone could take the burden and return some air into these infected cells. It alone could liberate us, we who are outside – or rather still outside, because unlike bosses, the banker and the rich; the rebel, the excluded, the exploited, is likely to meet prison along their way – but one who feels the shadow of Forest.

So the scream of rage. We emphasise some rage, not a call for help. What sense would it have to address the politicians or administrators of this world to ask them something? What good would it do, to still speak to their officials, whom for years have actively endorsed the atrocious situation at the Prison of Forest? Rage is not trying to convince the higher-ups, it seeks to finish, immediately and by itself, a situation that is unbearable. Everything else, even the charitable initiatives with the best of intentions, contributes only to continue the situation.

And it goes even further. Today, the State shamefully asserts its atrocious conditions at the Forest Prison to promote it’s plan to build a maxi-prison in Brussels. By playing on the disgust that we feel faced with how it subjects detainees, it wants to make us swallow an even greater imprisonment project. More humane, it says. To deal with overcrowding, it says. To finally close the Forest Prison, it says. In the meanwhile, until the maxi-prison is built, that is to say for at least some years to come still, the situation at Forest will remain as it is today. How can you believe that these people who for years have been able to use Forest prison to break thousands of people and condone the atrocities inflicted against detainees, won’t do exactly the same once their new prison sees the light of day?

To rid ourselves of the last illusions over the State’s humanity, we have to understand why the Prison of Forest is what it is today. It is neither an accident, nor the result of a tragic course or an unfortunate abnormality. It’s a choice. A choice by the State to inject docility into the neighbourhoods of Brussels with the disposal of such an instrument. To terrorise those who are bound to break the law… Make no mistake, a new prison would have exactly the same remit. If the State today can take less “atrocious” forms (while considering that locking someone up is in itself already torture), tomorrow, to better fulfil its function of punishment and terror, it again hosts teams of tabasser guards, cells for three or four, destruction of the detainee by illness and the lack of hygiene… the Forest Phantom haunts any prison, whether new or old.

The scream of rage is also therefore a scream loaded with the future. To not accept it today, is to prepare to not accept it tomorrow. That is why we must close Forest now. We have to close it. To demolish it so that it can’t be rebuilt. By the force of our rejection and violence of our revolt. The ruined.

Unhealthy, unlivable, the Prison of Forest must become unmanageable. Inmates can get started with revolts and rebellions, but also with sabotage. Forest Prison is so dilapidated that water pipelines sabotaged and broken electrical circuits could make it uncontrollable (which automatically would implicate its closure, like at Verviers prison almost four years ago). On flooding and flooding, encouraging those close to us on the inside to accelerate the closure of Forest by sabotage; let’s be at their side for them to feel our complicity and solidarity.

On the outside as well, we can place our grain of sand to fuck up the vicious circle. Policymakers, collaborating institutions, the companies that profit; the collaborators of this repressive work aren’t protected by walls or barbed wire. They are often found at the corner of our street. When we give them back the daily possible amount, their daily amount of endorsing and sowing the terror that reigns in the Prison of Forest… When it kicks off with riots in Forest prison, reconnecting with a not so distant past, when we took to the streets, stones and molotovs in our hands; we also riot in the streets of this necropolis.

If by ourselves we are to immediately demolish Forest prison, this certainly isn’t to accept a new maxi-prison tomorrow. These two battles, against these two prisons, go hand in hand. In their hearts, they are freedom and solidarity. That’s what makes them extremely explosive.

Welsh translation of Reclaim the Fields – Towards a world without prisons

Wrecsam, Cymru: Ail-Feddiannu’r Caeau – Tuag at byd heb garchardai

O’r 28ain Awst i’r 2il o Fedi 2015, fe atynodd Gwersyll Ryngwladol Ail-Feddianwn y Caeau dros 130 o bobl i Wrecsam, i wrthsefyll ‘Project Carchar Gogledd Cymru,’ ac adeiladu yr ail garchar mwyaf yn Ewrop. Cynhalwyd  y digwyddiad yng Ngwersyll Amddiffyn y Gymuned Borras, gwersyll a sefydlwyd i wrthwynebu ffracio yn yr ardal, yr oedd yr ymgynulliad yma o bobl yn ceisio i gysylltu brwydrau tir ag ymwrthedd i’r cymhleth diwydianol carchar (the prison industrial conplex) (1) a mecanweithiau parhaus o drais gan y wladwriaeth a difeddiant.

Cysylltu brwydrau

O ddydd Sadwrn i ddydd Llun, yr oedd rhaglen cynhwysfawr o weithdai, trafodaethau a gweithgareddau ymarferol. Fe wnaeth pobl wneud cysylltiadau rhwng brwydrau yn ymwneud a’r system carchardai, sofraniaeth bwyd, ffiniau, ac agweddau eraill ar y byd ar ol cau y tiroedd comin. Fe wnaeth nifer o’r gweithdai archwilio i greulondeb y system carchar, cyflwyno’r cymleth diwydiant carchardai, y brwydrau parhaus dros garcharorion IPP, carchardai i’r sawl nad ynt yn fodau dynol a sut y mae carchardai yn ymwneud â brwydrau rhywedd a cwiar, yn ogystal a hyn yn ystod y penwythnos fe ddatblygwyd cynllun permaddiwylliant ar gyfer y gwersyll a dechreuodd pobl gweithio ar yr ardd berlysiau, system biochar a phaneli solar ar gyfer y safle.

Byth ar pen eich hunain, Byth yn angof

Drwy gydol y gwersyll fe ddigwyddodd nifer o weithredodd. Yn ystod y nos, cymerodd pobl systemau sain, uwchseinyddion, ac offerynnau gwneud sŵn eraill i garchardai lleol er mwyn dangos carcharorion nad ydynt yn cael eu hanghofio ac nid un ar pen eu hunain. Fe ymwelwyd a HMP Stoke Heath, HMP Drake Hall a HMP Altcourse. Ymwelwyd a rhain i gyd, gyda llawer o garcharorion yn gweiddi yn ôl a yn curo eu drysau. Yr oedd pobl yn bloeddio “If you hate the screws, clap your hands” o dan lleuad llawn.
Fel rhan o Wythnos Ryngwladol Unoliaeth gyda Carcharorion Anarchaidd, fe wnaeth plant yn y gwersyll wneud baner ar gyfer garcharor anarchaidd o Wledydd Prydain, Emma Sheppard. Cafodd llythyrau eu hysgrifennu a straeon carcharorion eu rhannu. Cafodd baneri hefyd eu gwneud ar gyfer gymrodyr ar dag ac ar amodau mechnïaeth gormesol nad oedd yn gallu cyrraedd yr ymgynulliad o ganlyniad i hyn.

Yn y Strydoedd

Roedd yna hefyd gweithredoedd ar y stryd fawr, gyda pobl yn dosbarthu taflenni am y carchar yn Wrecsam a sut y gallant gymryd rhan yn y frwydyr yn ei herbyn. Ar ddydd Llun yr oedd protest yn erbyn Tirlunio P & A. Nhw yw tirlunwyr y carchar ac maent wedi darparu nifer o ffensys a deunyddiau i’r carchar. Fe wnaeth pobl ymweld a’i canolfan arddio cyhoeddus. Ymwelwyd a hysbyswyd cwsmeriaid am eu rôl yn ehangu carchar.

Blocâd drwy’r dydd ar y Carchar

Ar ddydd Mawrth y 1af o Fedi fe wnaeth tua 20 o bobl rwystro tair porth mynediad i’r safle adeiladu Mega-Garchar Wrecsam. Yr oedd y weithred syml hon yn hawdd i gydlynu, a gyda heddlu a staff y safle yn ddryslyd a heb baratoi,  cafwyd effaith fawr heb angen llawer o ymdrech. Cafodd ciw o dryciau eu hatal rhag mynd i mewn ac allan o’r safle, gan gynnwys cyflenwad sment enfawr oedd yn rhaid cael ei droi yn ol cyn iddo ddifetha. Yr oedd Simon Caron, Cyfarwyddwr Prosiect Lend Lease, yn ymbil protestwyr i adael wrth ddweud, “We’ve been reasonable letting you protest, please just allow this one to get through”.  Ni wnaeth unrhyw un symyd fe oedd cerbydau cyflenwi deunyddiau yn methu mynd i mewn.

Targedu cyflenwyr yn rhanbarthol

Wrth i gyfranogwyr y gwersyll rwydweithio a dod i adnabod eu gilydd, ffurfwyd grwpiau rhanbarthol i weithredu yn erbyn targedau yn eu hardaloedd eu hunain. Ymwelodd un grŵp â swyddfeydd Swydd Gaerloyw o Precast erections Cyf, y cwmni sy’n cyflenwi blociau concrid a ddefnyddir i adeiladu’r carchar. Mae mwy o weithredoedd yn cael eu cynllunio. Cysylltwch â’ch grŵp lleol i gael gwybod sut y gallwch gymryd rhan yn Ngweithredu Cymunedol yn erbyn Ehangiad Carchar.

Protest Unoliaeth yn y Llys

Ar ddydd Mercher yr 2il, fe aeth pobl o AilFeddianu’r Caeau i gefnogi dynes leol, Vanda Gillett a oedd wedi ei cyhuddo o ymosod yn ystod Blocâd Cymunedol Barton Moss. Yn dilyn rheithfarn euog, fe ffrwydrodd gwylltineb yn ei hamddiffyniad. Cafodd y llys ei feddiannu a yr oedd “ysgarmes” gyda’r heddlu y tu allan i’r llys. Cafodd pedwar o fobl eu harestio a symudodd pobl i ddangos unoliaeth yn y gorsafoedd heddlu lle oedd yr sawl a arrestwyd yn cael eu cadw.

Oherwydd yr arestiadau a bod blaenoriaeth i gefnogaeth tu allan gorsafoedd Heddlu, cafodd gweithredoedd pellach ym Manceinion wedi eu gohirio, fodd bynag, mae pobl leol sydd wedi eu cymell gan y frwydr gwrth-garchar yn awyddus i barhau i dargedu cwmnïau lleol ac oedi adeiladu y mega-garchar.

Ail-feddiannu’r Caeau, Adfer ein Bywydau

Mae adennill y Caeau yn gyster o fobl a phrosiectau ar y cyd sydd yn barod i fynd yn ôl at y tir a ail-feddianu rheolaeth dros gynhyrchu bwyd. Rydym yn benderfynol o greu dewisiadau amgen i gyfalafiaeth trwy dulliau cyd-weithredol, ymreolaethol, yn cynhyrchu dros anghenion a mentrau ar raddfa fach, gan roi theori ar waith a chysylltu gweithredu ymarferol lleol gyda brwydrau gwleidyddol byd-eang.

Mae’r gwersyll yn un rhan o’n stori. Nid ydym yn ‘ymgyrch’ na ‘chlymblaid’. Yr ydym yn bobl, prosiectau a brwydrau amrywiol yn cydgyfeirio ac ddargyfeirio ar hyd a lled Ewrop. Mae sawl ffordd y mae economeg cyfalafol yn dod i dra-arglwyddiaethu ar y tir (boed hynny drwy adeiladu carchardai, dryllio am nwy neu ecsbloetio amaethyddiaeth diwydiannol) yn berthnasol ac yn cysylltu bob un ohonom. Er y gall crynoadau a gwersylloedd gweithredu fod yn gyfyngedig yn wleidyddol, nid ydynt yn bopeth nac yn ddiwedd ar ein holl waith. Maent yn fannau ymgynnull ac yn gyfle i gymrodion i gyfarfod ac adfyfyrio’n feirniadol ar sut y brwydrau hyn yn llunio ein bywydau.

Daeth yr ymgynulliad yn fyw trwy waith grŵp anhygoel o bobl sy’n gweithio ar y cyd ac yn llorweddol. Yr oedd nifer o cyn-garcharorio a’r sawl sydd wedi cefnogi anwyliaid yn y carchar yn bressenol a fe wnaeth y profiad eu cyffwrdd. Yr oedd yr angerdd a’r casineb tuagat y system garchar yn bresennol iawn ac yn weladwy iawn. Hefyd yr oedd yr awch am rywbeth mwy, ar gyfer tyfu bwyd, adennill tir a byw yn wahanol.

Byddwn yn parhau â’n gwaith i adennill ein bywydau gan y wladwriaeth, gan ein system economaidd gyfalafol a chymdeithas carchar gormesol. Hyd nes bod OLL YN RHYDD!

Ail-Feddiannu’r Caeau, Medi 2015

(1) Diffinir yma fel buddiannau sy’n gorgyffwrdd y llywodraeth a diwydiant sy’n defnyddio gwyliadwriaeth, plismona a carchar fel atebion i broblemau economaidd, cymdeithasol a gwleidyddol.

Wrexham, Wales: Reclaim the Fields – Towards a world without prisons

From the 28th August to the 2nd September 2015, the Reclaim the Fields International Action Camp drew over 130 people to Wrexham, North Wales, to resist the ‘North Wales Prison Project,’ the construction of Europe’s second largest prison. Held at Borras Community Protection Camp, a site camp established to oppose fracking in the area, the gathering sought to link land struggles with resistance to the prison industrial complex (1) and ongoing mechanisms of state violence and dispossession.

Connecting the dots

From Saturday to Monday, a comprehensive programme of workshops, discussions and practical activities took place. People connected the dots between struggles around the prison system, food sovereignty, borders, and other aspects of the world post-enclosures. Several workshops explored the brutality of the prison system, introducing the P.I.C., ongoing struggles around IPP prisoners, nonhuman prisons and how prisons relate to gender and queer struggles, and over the course of the weekend a permaculture design was developed for the camp and people began work on a herb garden, biochar system and solar panels for the site.

Never alone, Never forgotten

Throughout the camp several actions took place. In the evenings, folk took sound systems, megaphones, and other noise making instruments to local prisons determined to show prisoners they are not forgotten and not alone. HMP Stoke Heath, HMP Drake Hall and HMP Altcourse were all visited, with many prisoners shouting back and banging their doors. Chants like “If you hate the screws, clap your hands” rang out under a full moon.
As part of the International Week of Solidarity for Anarchist Prisoners, children at the camp made a banner for UK anarchist prisoner, Emma Sheppard. Letters were written and prisoner stories shared. Banners were also made for comrades on tag and repressive bail conditions who couldn’t make the physical gathering.

In the Streets

There were also highstreet actions, with folk leafleting Wrexham about the prison and how they can get involved in fighting it. On Monday a protest was staged at P&A Landscaping. They are the prison’s landscapers and have supplied several fences and materials to the jail. In response their public garden centre was visited and customers were informed about their role in prison expansion.

Day-long Blockade of the Prison

On Tuesday 1st September, around 20 people blockaded the three access gates to the Wrexham Mega-Prison’s construction site. This simple action was easy to co-ordinate, and with confused and unprepared police and site staff, had a big effect with very little effort. A queue of trucks were prevented from entering and exiting the site, including a huge cement delivery which had to be turned away before it spoiled. Simon Caron, Project Director for Lend Lease, begged protesters to let it in saying, “We’ve been reasonable letting you protest, please just allow this one to get through”. No one budged and vehicles delivering materials failed to enter. […]

Suppliers targeted regionally

As camp participants networked and bonded, regional groups formed to take actions against local targets in their own areas. One group visited the Gloucestershire offices of Precast Erections Ltd, the company supplying concrete blocks used to build the prison. More actions are planned. Contact your local group to find out how you can get involved in Community Action on Prison Expansion.

Solidarity Protest at the Court

On Wednesday 2nd, people from Reclaim the Fields supported a local woman, Vanda Gillett who had been charged with assault during the Barton Moss Community Blockade. Following a guilty verdict, anger erupted in her defence. The court was occupied and ‘scuffles’ with the police took place outside. Four people were arrested and people moved to demonstrate at the police stations where they were being held. […]

Due to the arrests and priority of station support, further actions in Manchester were postponed, however local people motivated by the anti-prison struggle are keen to continue to target local companies and delay the construction of this super prison.

Reclaiming the Fields, Reclaiming our Lives

Reclaim the Fields is a constellation of people and collective projects willing to go back to the land and reassume the control over food production. We are determined to create alternatives to capitalism through cooperative, collective, autonomous, real needs oriented small scale production and initiatives, putting theory into practice and linking local practical action with global political struggles.

This camp is one part of our story (read the UK history here). We are not a ‘campaign’ or ‘coalition’ or a ‘mass movement’. We are diverse people, projects and struggles converging and diverging all over Europe. The manifold of ways in which capitalist economics comes to dominate the land (whether that be through the construction of prisons, drilling for gas or the exploitation of industrial agriculture) implicates and connects us all. While gatherings and action camps can be politically limited, they are not the be-all or end-all of our work. They are points of encounter, a chance for comrades to meet and critically reflect on how these struggles shape our lives. […]

The gathering came alive through the work of an incredible group of people working collectively and horizontally. Numerous ex-prisoners and people who have supported loved ones through jail were present and moved by the experience. The passion and the hate for the prison system was very present and very visible. As was the desire for something more, for growing food, reclaiming land and living differently.

We will continue our work to reclaim our lives from the state, from our capitalist economic system and oppressive prison society. Until All Are Free!

Reclaim the Fields, September 2015

(1)  Defined here as the overlapping interests of government and industry that use surveillance, policing and imprisonment as solutions to economic, social and political problems.

in Welsh