Tag Archives: Nikos Maziotis

Athens, Greece: Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis continue hunger strike in Koridallos prisons

On December 5th 2017, Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis were forcibly removed from Koridallos prisons (both were subjected to headlocks, holds, etc.) and were involuntarily admitted to the General State Hospital of Nikaia. The prison prosecutor pressed physicians to force-feed the two hunger strikers. The hospital doctors refused to treat the prisoners against their will, and solely reported that Nikos Maziotis has lost 14.6% of his initial body weight, while Pola Roupa has lost 12.8% of her initial body weight.

On December 6th (on the 26th day of their hunger strike), Roupa and Maziotis were finally discharged from the hospital and returned to Koridallos prisons, determined to continue their hunger strike until their demands are met (among other things, they request extended visits with their six-year-old child).

Maziotis was informed that he would be placed in a disciplinary segregation unit, until damages at B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison are repaired. This means that the comrade is being punished for having completely destroyed the solitary confinement wing where he has been held for over 5 months, and is now facing appalling conditions, even worse than the previous ones.

Athens, Greece: Involuntary hospitalization of Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa

Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa are on hunger strike since November 11th 2017.

The two imprisoned comrades are fighting against isolation measures; against specific provisions of the new correctional code aimed at repressing them as high-security prisoners; against the proposed detention of high-security prisoners in police stations; against the intended reinstatement of the type C prison regime. They also demand an immediate end of the solitary confinement imposed on Nikos Maziotis (since July, the comrade is kept isolated from other prisoners by a decision of the justice ministry); an extension of visiting hours based on the frequency of visits a prisoner has; appropriate visitation rooms for incarcerated parents to meet with their children.

They made it clear from the outset that they only receive water. They have repeatedly asked to be granted unhindered phone communication with their six-year-old son before being transferred from Koridallos prisons to any hospital.

On December 2nd, Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were transferred to a hospital outside the prisons due to the deterioration of their health condition. However, the next day both comrades asked to be sent back to the prisons because eventually they were not permitted unhindered phone communication with their child.

On December 4th, Nikos Maziotis burned and destroyed the B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison, where he has been held in solitary confinement for 5 months. He was then moved to the prison infirmary because of the fumes, and was threatened with further isolation – this time in a disciplinary unit of Koridallos prisons.

In the early hours of December 5th, hunger strikers Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were forcibly transferred outside Koridallos prisons. The prison prosecutor ordered their involuntary hospitalization. They are currently being kept at the General State Hospital of Nikaia, both threatened with force-feeding. As of yet, the hospital doctors have not succumbed to the prosecutor’s order.

Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa continue their hunger strike. They have stated they will not accept serum, and will act against involuntary treatment and force-feeding (torture) in every possible way.

(all related posts in Greek)

Greece: Imprisoned Comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, Revolutionary Struggle Members, Begin New Hunger Strike

We’ll meet in the streets of rage (A)

November 11, 2017

THE ROTTEN SYSTEM AND THE ABSENCE OF RESISTANCE ARE THE REASONS FOR THE ROTTING OF SOCIETY

Almost 10 years after the outbreak of the crisis with the collapse of the financial system, bank bankruptcy, and seven years after the commencement of the era of the memorandum and the monitoring of the country by the troika (IMF, EC, ECB), the social base in this country has suffered the strongest blow since the Second World War.

Greek puppet governments have definitively delegated substantial economic and political governance to EU supranational organizations and indirectly to the capital markets and are imposing new measures of social euthanasia for large sections of the population in this country, they are now insignificant for their added value to capitalist wealth. That’s why it does not matter if they disappear. This condition of condemnation is also a prerequisite for the survival of the system itself, for the preservation of the political regime, for the perpetuation of capitalism.

The government’s propaganda to overcome the crisis and return the Greek economy to a recovery path is a common European lie to showcase the supposed success of the programs and memoranda, to allow the EU to be removed from the obligation to continue to financially support the Greek regime and to let the capital markets take the lead from the EU in the recycling of Greek debt and speculation through it. A debt that regime agents already admit that if not drastically reduced in the immediate future will force the Greek state to declare bankruptcy. Not least that the exit to the markets of the Greek state will further exacerbate the already exaggerated Greek debt, which now exceeds 180% of GDP.

The message, however, that the world’s powerful have taken from these years with the rescue policies of the system by the central banks and governments that have put the whole weight of the crisis that the rich created on the backs of the peoples: whatever they do they have their pack animals, the social base, to bear the crisis and produce profits. And the usual practice of enrichment through the swelling of global debt and its financialization continues until the next collapse. But the people have already suffered a huge blow. The social base in the country counts millions of poor, marginalized and desperate. It counts thousands of deaths from hunger, illness and suicide.

The SYRIZA-ANEL government’s minister [of Tourism] Kountoura argued that it is a government success that people do not eat from the rubbish. People still do eat from the trash, but they no longer show them on television. This is why it is a universal political priority to support the “success story” of the memorandum by all parties and the media.

The theft of any surplus wealth left to the social base continues with unabated tension by the government with wage and pensions cuts, the abolition of public insurance, the taxation of the most economically weak, all while poverty is rising, on the orders of the EU the banks will throw thousands of borrowers onto the streets, and there is no chance to persuade the government to get out of the crisis.

The only success of the government is social passivity and the defeat of struggles. Because the basic precondition for imposing these criminal policies in the country that threw thousands of people to the margins, which killed thousands, was and is political normality and the absence of a strong social reaction. Because the smaller the resistance of society, the more ruthless the system becomes.

The social reactions to the memorandums somehow came to a standstill as the regime was determined to impose the memorandums at all political expense. But the reason these memoranda were imposed was the absence of an expanded and powerful revolutionary movement that could be an obstacle to the social euthanasia policies. Upon the defeat of the resistance SYRIZA stepped in to climb to power. The SYRIZA-ANEL government has also been the last sparks of reaction to the system and policies to overcome the crisis.

Today, the social base is rotten, while the economic and political lords of the country have secured their wealth in tax havens and in foreign banks. The Paradise Papers come to recall what everyone knows: That the economically powerful and their political aides are not touched by any crisis and it does not concern them that any measures are imposed. In a “legal and moral” (sic) way they will continue to enrich themselves while millions of people die of hunger and poverty.

Nowadays, the social base is rotten because this rotten system is killing to survive, because it kills social solidarity and cohesion and pushes it into crime. The war of all against all is the beginning of capitalism and the economic freedom of the rich to do whatever they want with the support of governments. It is the beginning of the absolute competition that has dominated the planet.

Their own creations – the crimes among the social bases – are nowadays the politicians’ number one issue. “Order and security” is the common slogan of the political elites to deal drastically with these phenomena which the regime itself gave birth to. One of the most popular aspects of propaganda is crime among the social bases today. It is the phenomenon that the regime itself generates and nourishes.

And, on the other hand, the great criminals, the real terrorists and the bandits that make up the economic and political power, remain immune. Continue reading Greece: Imprisoned Comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, Revolutionary Struggle Members, Begin New Hunger Strike

Exarchia: Banner drop at Themistokleous 58 Squat in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

On January 5th 2017, worms of the antiterrorist unit arrested the anarchist fighters and Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Konstantina Athanasopoulou. That same day, the six year old son of Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis was captured and placed in a psychiatric ward. In response to attempts to cut the child off from his revolutionary parents, the three members of Revolutionary Struggle Roupa, Maziotis and Athanasopoulou undertook a hunger and thirst strike, forcing the prosecutorial authorities to hand over the boy to his grandmother, pending a decision on the final custody.

On Sunday January 22nd 2017, we dropped a banner from the squat that reads “Long Live Revolutionary Struggle” in Farsi, English and Greek. With this small internationalist gesture, we send strength to the unrepentant members of Revolutionary Struggle, and we declare that we stand with those who arm themselves to strike blows against persons and structures that make up the State/Capital and domination.

From Athens to Tehran, all statist snitches need killing.

Themistokleous 58 Squat

[Greece] January 21st 2017: Action Day in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

The poster reads:

“I am a revolutionary, and I have nothing to apologize for.

Terrorists, criminals, robbers are those who compose the economic and political life; the institutions and governments that, through the memoranda, are waging the most violent, the most heinous attack on the social base in the name of a “way out of the crisis.” Terrorist, criminal, robber is the State and Capital; those whom I fight committed with all my soul to armed struggle, to Revolutionary Struggle; those whom my organization has targeted all these years of our activity.

(…) when the economic and political establishment attacks the social majority in the most merciless way, armed struggle for social revolution is a duty and obligation; because that’s where hope lies and nowhere else. The only hope for a definitive way out of the systemic crisis we are living in this historical period, for a definitive way out of every crisis. It is the only hope towards overturning capitalism, the system that gives birth to crises; the only hope towards overturning the State and Capital.

It is the only hope for an armed counterattack of the social base against a system that crushes them.

It is the only hope towards overthrowing the State and Capital; for Social Revolution.

For a society of economic equality and political freedom for all.”

Pola Roupa

“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle. The only terrorists are the State and the Capital.”

Konstantina Athanasopoulou

Demonstration in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle members

Saturday January 21st 2017 at 12:00 in Monastiraki (downtown Athens)

SOLIDARITY WITH THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE MEMBERS

NO EXEMPTION STATUS OF POLITICAL PRISONERS

STRUGGLE AGAINST THE STATE AND CAPITAL BY ANY MEANS

Solidarity Assembly (Athens)

Full text of callout in Greek

in German, Italian, Portuguese

Greece: Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas placed with relatives

Banner hung by the anarchist squat Utopia A.D. in Komotini, northern Greece: “Six-year-old captive; the hatred is growing; cops–judges–media filth, murderers”

Today, Sunday January 8th 2017, after a new prosecutor’s order, temporary custody of Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas was given to the grandmother on his mother’s side, so his captivity in the psychiatric unit(!) of the children’s hospital in Athens was finally terminated. The six-year-old child left the hospital escorted by his first-degree relatives.

Meanwhile, there were protests by inmates at Koridallos men’s and women’s prisons, Elaionas women’s prison in Thebes, and Trikala prison.

Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa and Kostantina Athanasopoulou have interrupted their thirst and hunger strike.

A court will decide on the final custody of the child within six months.

in Italian

Athens, Greece: Three Revolutionary Struggle prisoners on hunger & thirst strike – Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas abducted

In the early morning hours of January 5th 2017, two Revolutionary Struggle members, fugitive comrade Pola Roupa and anarchist Konstantina Athanasopoulou were captured at a southern suburb of Athens. Anti-terror cops raided a hideout with Pola and her six-year-old son inside, while Konstantina was arrested in another house nearby.

After being forcibly removed from his mother, Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas—the small son of Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa—is being held captive inside a children’s hospital guarded by cops(!), without any access to visitations by his close relatives or even the legal representative of his parents.

The Greek authorities, and in particular the public prosecutor for minors Mrs. Nikolou, still refuse to entrust the child to first-degree relatives of Pola Roupa.

In response to this, three Revolutionary Struggle members—the anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis, the recaptured comrade Pola Roupa and the newly arrested Konstantina Athanasopoulou—have undergone hunger and thirst strike since January 5th, demanding that the six-year-old be immediately placed with his aunt and grandmother (relatives on his mother’s side).

In an open letter Nikos Maziotis stated, among others, that: “Our son is the child of two revolutionaries, and he’s proud of his parents. We will not succumb to any blackmail. We defend our choices with our very life”.

On January 6th, during the women’s transfer to Evelpidon courts, Pola shouted: “The worms are holding my kid captive at Paidon (children’s hospital in Athens), guarded by armed cops; at the age of six, he is a prisoner of war” and: “Long live the Revolution!”. Furthermore, Pola stated: “I am a revolutionary, and I have nothing to apologize for.”

Below is Konstantina’s statement:

“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas). The only terrorists are the State and the Capital. I refuse to eat and drink anything until the child of my comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis is delivered to relatives of theirs.
Konstantina Athanasopoulou”

On the inside, anarchist prisoners and other inmates at different wings of Koridallos male and female prisons have mounted a joint protest by refusing lock-up, to claim an end to the captivity of Lambros-Viktoras in solidarity with the Revolutionary Struggle prisoners currently on hunger and thirst strike.

On the outside, comrades in various cities throughout Greece have carried out diverse actions in immediate support of the anarchist revolutionaries, demanding that the first-degree relatives of Pola Roupa be granted immediate visitation and custody of the underage child.

Strength to Konstantina Athanasopoulou, Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, proud members of Revolutionary Struggle.

Revolutionary Struggle will neither lay down arms nor surrender to the enemies of freedom.

in German | Italian | Portuguese

Action for political prisoners at mass street protest in Paris on June 14th

During the June 14th demonstration in Paris, comrades of AGB (Anarchist Group from Bern) carried a banner in solidarity with political prisoners in Greece, Switzerland and elsewhere, reading: “Whoever forgets the prisoners of social war has forgotten the war! Freedom for Nikos Maziotis, Marco Camenisch & members of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire. ”

Received June 26th along with the images:

Unions and revolutionary groups called for a mass street protest on June 14th 2016 in France. Hundreds of thousands participated in the demonstration against new reforms to labor laws, capitalism and state oppression. In addition, many people from all over Europe went to Paris to show solidarity with the movement.

Reacting to the dynamic protest of the people the police governed by the left government attacked with tear gas, flash bangs, baton charges and water cannons. Hundreds were injured; in one case a person nearly died because he was hit by a tear gas shell.

With our banner we wanted to draw attention to all the prisoners who couldn’t fight by our side that day. For example, in Greece there is currently a trial going on against 22 Anarchists. Nikos Maziotis, another Anarchist and Member of the group Revolutionary Struggle, was sentenced to life because he participated in armed struggle.

Since the protests in France started, three months ago, nearly 500 people were arrested by now.

There are thousands of revolutionaries all over the world who are jailed because they fought for a free society.

Whoever forgets the prisoners of social war has forgotten the war!

June 11, 2016: Against Maximum Security Prisons – Against Every Prison

PDF versions versions of the call-out: for reading | imposed

June 11th 2016: International Day of Action

For June 11th, 2015, we emphasized transition in the struggle and in the lives of the prisoners we support. This year we’re focusing on a different kind of transition: the restructuring of the prison system and thus doubling down on opposition to Maximum Security, isolation, and `s. High-security facilities are not new: for example, Communications Management Units isolated Daniel McGowan and Andy Stepanian for years. But now we are at a new juncture: there is both a fresh focus on the part of the authorities reorganizing prisons to maximize repression against long-term and combative prisoners, while simultaneously cutting costs. In response there has been a wave of resistance and revolt–in the streets and in the prisons. As this wave spreads organically, we feel impelled to contribute in support of our imprisoned friends and comrades.

Around the world, repression intensifies against anarchists, their comrades, and their families. The left-wing SYRIZA government in Greece continues the isolation of rebellious prisoners in the C-type maximum security prisons. The Spanish state attempts to criminalize anarchist solidarity through an “anti-terrorist” spectacle of raids, arrests, and show trials. Anarchists from Santiago to Kansas City face decades in prison for choosing the path of revolt and for their refusal to bow before pressure from the state. Everywhere we look: the state’s jaws clamp down on rebellion.

But all this cannot break our comrades or the spirit of our struggle. As Mónica Caballero and Francisco Solar are sentenced to twelve years in prison, anarchists respond to their persecution with smoke and shattered glass. As the Greek state levels its force against the families of the imprisoned comrades of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and condemns Nikos Maziotis to life in prison, fugitive comrade Pola Roupa attempts to hijack a helicopter to free the imprisoned fighters. As Osman Evcan and Eric King both fight the state’s attempts to starve them for their refusal to consume flesh, comrades mobilize to ensure that their demands are backed with acts of solidarity. As the Chilean state continues to arrest and imprison anarchists, an intransigent minority strikes back in vengeance. As the State of Ohio continues to restrict Sean Swain’s communications, those holding the controls find their names and addresses spread online. As the state constructs an “anti-terrorism” roundup in Belgium, the multiform struggle against prison society there continues, unflinching and defiant. As the United States prison system continues its brutal enforcement of white supremacy and the social liquidation of undesirables, prisons from Alabama to Nebraska face the flames of rebellion. Everywhere we look, the revolt against prison society deepens and spreads.

Click here to continuing reading the text from June11.org

Koridallos prisons: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence

Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial

The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe.

Revolutionary Struggle has proven that it has remained standing over the years, despite successive repressive blows and sacrifices: the blood of comrade Lambros Foundas, who was killed on March 10th 2010 in a shootout with police in the district of Dafni, Athens, during a preparatory action of the organisation; our arrests a month later, April 10th 2010, on the eve of Greece’s signing of the first memorandum; my arrest on July 16th 2014 in Monastiraki, Athens, where I was injured following a chase and shootout with police. Revolutionary Struggle remained standing because we undertook political responsibility for our participation in the organisation – in Greece, we were the first armed revolutionary and anarchist organisation to do so – and because we defended our history, the organisation’s actions and our comrade Lambros Foundas, who gave his life so that the memorandum wouldn’t pass; to turn the crisis into an opportunity for social revolution. We remained standing as an organisation because we didn’t mind paying the cost and price, because we didn’t turn ourselves into betrayers or deserters, because none of us tried to save one’s own skin at the moment of repression. It’s precisely because we claimed political responsibility that we stayed alive as an organisation in prison in 2010–11. We gave a political battle against the enemy in the 1st special court. Once released from prison after 18 months in pretrial detention, we chose not to surrender ourselves to imminent imprisonment and went underground instead, to continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity.

The attack of Revolutionary Struggle – Commando Lambros Foundas on April 10th 2014 against the Bank of Greece, a branch of the ECB – one of the most popularly-hated organisations that make up the quartet of supranational bosses – but also a building that housed the office of the IMF’s permanent representative in Greece, annulled the 2010 repressive operation, and continued the organisation’s strategy that was launched in 2009 with the attacks on Citibank’s headquarters and one of its branches, a Eurobank’s branch and the Athens Stock Exchange. For years Revolutionary Struggle is faced with the spearhead of state repression, since the issue of dealing with the organisation and generally armed revolutionary activity is a major priority for the survival of the establishment, seeking to eliminate the internal enemy for the smooth enforcement and implementation of bailout programs, which constitute policies of social genocide and cleansing of parts of the population.

In 2007, the U.S. Department of State and the Greek State placed bounties of 1 million dollars and 800 thousand euros, respectively, after the organisation’s attack with an anti-tank RPG at the U.S. Embassy in Athens. In 2010, the Papandreou government celebrated our arrests, and a government official stated that they prevented a blow that would end the economy, on the eve of the signing of the first memorandum and amid fear of Greek economy’s collapse. In 2014, after we had gone into clandestinity and had been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment by the 1st special court, the Samaras government placed a bounty of 2 million euros on our heads – one million on comrade Roupa and another million on me. My arrest, three months after Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Bank of Greece, was celebrated by Greek authorities. U.S. officials congratulated them on my recapture and made statements on political stability. Special measures were implemented after my arrest and, in December 2014, I was transferred to the newly-inaugurated type C maximum security prison, this being the first such transfer of a political prisoner, already preannounced since my recapture. In April 2015, I was included in the list of “international terrorists” designated by State Department, even though I was in prison. The authorities have now unleashed a manhunt to arrest comrade Roupa. All this demonstrates that combating Revolutionary Struggle holds great significance for the establishment. That is, repression against Revolutionary Struggle and implementation of memoranda, together with the establishment’s political stability, go hand in hand.

Last link in the chain of the establishment’s repression against Revolutionary Struggle is the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation, a few days after the prison escape attempt. I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for two expropriations of bank branches and shooting of cops who persecuted me in Monastiraki. The imposition of the severest possible sentence for the organisation’s attack against the country’s bosses is a conscious political decision and not just a procedural exaggeration. As I have already stated, this decision aims not to terrorise me – because they know I am and will remain unrepentant – but those who’ll want to opt for armed struggle, comrades of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu and other fighters within society. This political decision – applied for the first time in Greece in regard to a bombing attack which took place following a phone call warning, causing no injuries, but only material damages – is aimed at multiple recipients and sends out an intimidation message, that fighters who’ll opt for armed revolutionary activity will be treated with the utmost severity.

This decision demonstrates the establishment’s increasingly harshening stance against their number one enemy – Revolutionary Struggle, armed fighters. It’s not difficult to understand why, at a time when the SYRIZA-led government has voted the third memorandum, which is harsher than the previous ones. The big difference between penal treatment in the 1st and the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trials may give rise to misinterpretations; I would therefore like to point out the following: Since the enactment of anti-terrorism laws in 2001 and 2004, this special legislation constitutes a political choice of Power in order to deal as effectively as possible with urban guerrilla in Greece as a major threat to the establishment. A provision in the anti-terrorism legislation allows life sentence, not for homicide, but for explosion as a result of which there was danger to humans or an injury occurred. I was sentenced to life in prison under this provision. Special court decisions in trials against armed fighters are eminently political decisions; the elements in the accusatory dossier are often of secondary importance. For example, as demonstrated during court hearings of the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle in regard to the organisation’s attack against the Bank of Greece, even though there was a phone call giving 50 minutes warning before the explosion, the security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the Bank of Greece’s security supervisor. The security supervisor himself admitted there’s a standard regulation which obliges the security staff to stay inside the building despite the threat of explosion. The same happened at Piraeus Bank’s headquarters located opposite the Bank of Greece, where security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the bank’s head of security. As demonstrated in the 1st trial against the organisation, the same also happened on September 2nd 2009 in Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Athens Stock Exchange building, where security staff stayed inside as ordered by the head of security.

It’s thus demonstrated that those who are responsible for causing danger to humans are the executives of the economic Power and establishment’s mechanisms and central structures, such as banks and the stock exchange, who consider people and entire populations to be expendable; even the security officers of their facilities. Because, for them, their profits override everything; their profits, which are dipped in blood and misery, override human life itself. These are the mechanisms that the Greek people consider responsible for the policy implemented over the last six years, which has resulted in thousands of deaths and millions of poor, destitute and hungry people. These are the mechanisms whose executives (bankers, major shareholders, big businesspeople) alongside their subordinates (politicians of Greek governments) the Greek people consider responsible for the devaluation of life of millions of people, for suicides and pauperisation; not the fighters of Revolutionary Struggle. Revolutionary Struggle’s attacks against such mechanisms and structures are to a great extent popularly and socially accepted.

In both the 1st and 2nd trial against the organisation, I have been consistent in facing the enemy at special courts. This entails the undertaking of political responsibility, the political defense of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, armed struggle and Revolution for the overthrow of the State and Capital, without counting the cost and the price. This is the duty of every fighter, every anarchist, every revolutionary who is faced with judges and organs of the enemy. The sentence to 50 years imprisonment in the 1st trial was based on the undertaking of political responsibility. This is why we were convicted as accomplices in the organisation’s 16 actions by the theorem of collective responsibility, rather than being convicted as actual perpetrators. The State’s response to the fact I remain consistent in my trajectory as a fighter and continue to defend Revolutionary Struggle, and by extension armed struggle and the prospect of Revolution and the establishment’s overthrow, was the outcome of the 2nd trial, where I was sentenced to life imprisonment for one action, the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece. My entire trajectory after the initial arrests in 2010, the fact that Revolutionary Struggle stayed alive during the pretrial detention in 2010–11, the fact that comrade Roupa and I defended the organisation’s activity at the 1st special court, our choice to not surrender ourselves to prison, to go into clandestinity and continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity with the attack against the Bank of Greece, this entire trajectory and all these choices are based on the undertaking of political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle after being captured in 2010. This is what the State attempted to crash by means of the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation.

My sentence of life in prison was a message to the fighters who assume political responsibility and do not repudiate their activity and membership in their organisation.

Things are becoming increasingly clearer for the fighters who want to resist and the political prisoners. The dilemma “repudiation or life imprisonment” (in the old days there was execution by firing squad) comes into effect; a dilemma put by Power, a dilemma that in the old days was “repudiation or death”.

Over time, in order to suppress any revolutionary perspective, the State doesn’t confine itself to military predominance over its rivals only, but it also attempts their political defeat by forcing them into political repudiation. In the case of the Western-European urban guerrilla in the 70s and 80s, especially in Italy, the target of political repudiation was not one’s convictions or political identity, but rather armed struggle as being one of the means of struggle and urban guerrilla organisations. In Greece, the dilemma put by Power was once this: either repudiation of communism, or imprisonment and, in other circumstances, execution by firing squad. Nowadays, more indirectly, the dilemma is this: either choice of armed revolutionary struggle with heavy costs and consequences, or renunciation of armed revolutionary struggle as being one of the means of struggle. Either undertaking of political responsibility for one’s participation in an armed organisation and defense of its activity, or acceptance of the State’s pursuit of repudiation of an armed organisation and one’s membership in it, and by extension of armed struggle, in the face of fear of going to prison.

In other, more difficult periods like the Occupation and the Civil War, the price to pay for the struggle was the firing squad; and not only for armed struggle. Many fighters faced with the dilemma “repudiation or death” preferred the firing squad; of course not because they wanted to become martyrs, but because they believed that repudiation is a shame and disgrace; as such, it was considered worse than death. There were armed militants and guerrillas of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army) and DSE (Democratic Army of Greece), but also fighters that didn’t wage armed struggle, who remained unrepentant and were sent by thousands to the firing squad during the Occupation and the Civil War; they were executed in Goudi, in Kessariani shooting range, in Chaidari and Pavlou Mela camps, on Makronissos and Corfu, in Yedi Kule. Similarly in Spain, after Franco’s victory, thousands of armed anarchists who fought for Revolution in 1936–39, and waged guerrilla warfare until 1975, were sent to firing squads in Campo de la Bota, Montjuïc, Carabanchel, or strangled by the method of garrote – used as a means of execution for heretics since the Inquisition.

The struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital is an activity that requires unwavering convictions, responsibility, consistency, commitment, political engagement, steely will, and political and theoretical knowledge of principles and experiences of the historical revolutionary tradition. How can we even talk about struggle, social liberation, revolution, Anarchy, asking others to participate in a subversive struggle with all the costs and consequences that it entails, if we ourselves are unable to assume responsibility for our political choices?

For the first time in decades – since the era of the post-Civil War State, when ELAS guerrillas who were excluded by the 1945 Treaty of Varkiza, which didn’t recognise their activity as being political, as well as those of DSE remained in prison for at least 15 years – there is a prospect that political prisoners sentenced to 25 years or life imprisonment for armed revolutionary action will remain many years in the prisons of the contemporary Greek State-marionette of the supranational economic elite. We’re going through a period where Power is even indirectly trying to pose dilemmas for educing credentials once again, as in the past, to break us with the spectre of long-term incarceration.

The struggle for Social Revolution, for overthrowing the State and Capital, must go on despite the difficulties, the cost and consequences. We will never surrender the weapons of our struggle.

NO PEACE, NO TRUCE WITH THE STATE AND CAPITAL

ARMED STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS,
MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle

in Portuguese | Turkish via isyandan.org

[Greece] Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison

Below is the first part of the comrade’s long letter; originally published in Greek on Athens IMC (March 8th 2016).
Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.

On February 21st [2016], I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.

A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?

He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.

Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.

Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.

He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.

Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.

Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.

This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.

As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June [2015]. With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.

In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.

In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.

Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.

I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.

This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.

THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE

[…]

I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
member of Revolutionary Struggle

German | French | Portuguese | Italian via Croce Nera Anarchica

Athens: Prison sentences in the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle

On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.

Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).

Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.

Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.

Koridallos prison court: Trial statement by Giorgos Petrakakos

On September 24th 2015, Giorgos Petrakakos – wanted for bank robberies – was arrested in the city of Volos together with his life companion Maria Theofilou (who is also the sister of imprisoned anarchist Tasos Theofilou). Both are currently held in Koridallos prisons, Athens.

On October 16th 2015, the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle began with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014, when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police; and expropriations of bank branches. The co-accused in this trial, all facing terrorism charges, are two Revolutionary Struggle members: Nikos Maziotis (imprisoned in Koridallos) and fugitive Pola Roupa; Antonis Stamboulos (remanded since October 1st 2014), who denies all charges; and Giorgos Petrakakos.

During court proceedings, Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis assumed responsibility for two bank expropriations that took place while still underground (one at the National Bank branch in Methana, and another at Piraeus Bank branch in Kleitoria, Achaea), as well as his participation in the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece (10/4/2014), and shooting of cops in Monastriraki (16/7/2014).

The second trial against Revolutionary Struggle is already close to its end, because the presiding judge has imposed fast-track proceedings – to prevent comrade Antonis Stamboulos from being released from prison before conclusion of the trial (as the pretrial detention upper limit in Greece is 18 months).

Below is the trial statement by Giorgos Petrakakos, whom the media/police have imaginatively portrayed as an “accomplice of Nikos Maziotis.”
I find myself accused because I have participated in some bank robberies.

No matter how many years of imprisonment you’ll impose upon me, I don’t understand and won’t be able to figure out why this is considered as an accusation rather than a title of honour, since banks are responsible for wiping out an entire population.

I am accused by this court for three robberies as an alleged member of Revolutionary Struggle. I am also accused, in other accusatory dossiers, for the robbery in Distomo and for aggravated possession of weapons as a member of an unknown terrorist organisation… An unknown terrorist organisation I was allegedly about to set up, or what the authorities would fantasise about… When I was caught, the anti-terrorist police accused me of and tried with various tricks to attribute my involvement in four armed organisations as well as Revolutionary Struggle. Apart from these four organisations, they’ve also allowed me an extra gift: Revolutionary Struggle.

I would not be surprised if in the coming months I’ll be accused not only for the robberies in which I did participate, but for any unsolved robbery that has occurred in Greece over the last hundred years.

I do not care at all about the sentence, and I know that the police are asking your court to convict me severely. For me, there’s no difference whether I’ll be sentenced for one robbery or three. So I’d like to explain a couple of things, not because I want to achieve a lesser sentence, but to officially testify to the truth.

I started robbing banks in 2002, but not because I liked an easy life. Besides, this kind of life is far from easy. I instinctively positioned myself against this inhumane machine that feeds itself on humans. I find this system unjust, a system that supports banks and is supported by them. I consider it violent and thieving. Robbers and terrorists are the banks. Criminals are those who support them. My decision to rob banks was my own lonely way of fighting them.

I have never organised myself in a political manner, and my contact with the anarchist milieu was and is personal and friendly relations I developed with some anarchist fighters whom I met in prison, especially from 2003 to 2006. I respect and appreciate their struggle, their selflessness and ethos. I think that they have justness on their side; however, I’ve never had any connection with any legal or illegal, unarmed or armed group or organisation. I believe also that my prosecution for participation in Revolutionary Struggle is done for communication purposes, to serve the theory for the anti-terrorist police of an allegedly operational link between “penal-code offenders and terrorists”. I was ideal for this experiment of theirs as, on the one hand, I am a bank robber – a delinquent activity, which nevertheless has social acceptance – as opposed to being, let’s say, a drug trafficker; on the other hand, it’s known that I have personal relations with some anarchists. But personal relationships and likings are entirely a different thing compared to participation in a revolutionary organisation.

To serve their own propaganda purposes, the anti-terrorist police wish to charge me with involvement in more than two revolutionary organisations, if possible.

It’s no coincidence that my name and photograph began to feature breaking news and front pages immediately after the arrest of Nikos Maziotis, portraying me as his right-hand man and other such grotesque stories, when nothing in fact connects me to him, and there’s not even a shred of evidence which can confirm such a scenario.

It doesn’t suit my nature to make declarations of law-abidingness. I proudly declare that I am a bank robber. If I was involved in Revolutionary Struggle I would declare it so and defend my choice. But I’ve consciously chosen another path in my life.

My life itself is revolutionary as I’ve chosen it to be, as I’ve created it myself, through my choices in staying out of the automated lifestyle.

Furthermore, I have not participated in all the robberies I’m charged with. Even if I wanted to, it would be practically impossible to have done as many robberies as – according to accusatory documents – they try to charge me with, given the fact the ones I was involved in required several months of planning, in order to achieve the best possible result in the smoothest way, putting always the safety of citizens first, even at the expense of my own safety. In each of the robberies in which I’ve taken part not a single nostril bled, nor did I ever need to fire a single shot in the air to intimidate anyone. Those robberies were always planned in detail, and we always took all necessary measures to avoid putting anyone in danger.

The accusatory dossier before your eyes is a rough mishmash of police media releases and nothing more. Of the facts I am accused in this trial, I admit my participation in the Eurobank branch robbery in Akrata [Achaea], even though the evidence you hold is in fact inadequate if not non-existent.

I will not give further information and won’t answer your questions.

About some car fires in recent weeks in Berlin…

For Mónica Caballero, Nikos Romanos, Francisco Solar, Nikos Maziotis and all upright prisoners, for those who burn the vehicles of the prison-construction company Vinci in the streets of Paris and have celebrated the 14 July national holiday in their own way, for the untouchables that throw once again μολότοφ [Molotov cocktails] and stones through the streets of Athens and not let themselves be deceived by Syriza… and for ourselves.

That’s why we torched a vehicle of the surveillance company Deutsche Telekom in the Wedding district of Berlin on 11/6/2015; we burned a van of the armaments company Siemens on the Stralau half-island on 13/7/2015; and caused a vehicle of the security company WISAG in the Paul-Junius-Straße to burst into flames on 17/7/2015.

Fortress Europe will collapse only when the storm on the outer boundaries connects itself with the local, inner subversions, and these struggles correlate with each other.

in German / Greek, French

Text of Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis regarding Greece’s default and exit from the EMU

The SYRIZA-led government is collapsing. The Greek default and exit from the Eurozone, as choice of the lenders, is a process that started in 2010 and currently marks the beginning of the end of the SYRIZA government. The implementation of the memoranda from 2010 was one phase in the process of orderly default that the supranational economic elite had chosen, in order to ensure the sustainability of the Euro and to cut off one member that due to the debt crisis is considered gangrened and has to be expelled. Essentially, Greece’s default has always been regarded by the supranational economic elite as a prerequisite for its salvation, without even breaking the country’s obligations to the lenders, something that was ensured by the inclusion of the country into the power of the IMF, the ECB and the European Commission. Since 2009, Greece was already a bankrupt country and this was something known by both the then government of Georgios Papandreou and the European Union. The supranational economic elite, from 2010 onwards, followed an orderly default tactic so as to safeguard the lenders, the then holders of Greek bonds, the French, German, British and American banks.

The first aim of the memorandum was that it prohibited unilateral suspension of debt payments on the part of the debtor. On that basis, all of the Greek state-owned assets were frozen to ensure the repayment of the debt.

Additionally the debt passed from Greek to Anglo-Saxon law, prohibiting its conversion from Euro into any undervalued national currency. The Greek state gave up national sovereignty over its assets, all of which were transferred to the jurisdiction of the lenders. By granting the prior loan of 110 billion euros and replacing the old debt with a new one, the second objective of the memorandum was the repayment of the then holders of Greek bonds and the transfer of debt to the international organizations, the IMF, the ECB, and the European Union member states. With this process of extension of Greece’s default, the holders of Greek bonds, who investment-wise had junk bonds on their hands, were able to get rid of them with the least possible losses.

This process continued with the PSI in the debt restructuring that took place in March 2012, where the big winners were the foreign banks, and the big losers were Greek banks, Greek social security funds and small bondholders.

Parallel to this, the supranational economic and political elite turned the country into ruins, and using the dilemma “austerity or bankruptcy and disaster” for five years launched a policy of societal genocide and euthanasia for sections of the population, leading to thousands of deaths and poverty, hunger and immiseration.

The ultimate objective of the lenders is to create a two-track European Union, with powerful and big-surplus countries on the one side, and weak, indebted countries on the other.

As we mentioned as imprisoned members of Revolutionary Struggle, in December 2010, in our text Let’s Make In Greece the Beginning for a Global Social Revolution: “Our exit from the EMU [Economic and Monetary Union] is now considered a given to ensure the viability of the Euro. However, as the debt crisis is deepening, and one European country after another will collapse financially in the near future, it is difficult not only for the EMU to survive but for the European Union as well. The most optimistic scenario for the future of the Union is to create a formation where powerful and big-surplus countries will lead and bankrupt countries of the European periphery will be transformed into protectorates, as they will cede entirely their economic and political sovereignty to the political and economic directorates of Europe. This condition is being promoted in the European Union by establishing an orderly default mechanism.”

Almost five years later, this process takes shape with Greece’s default within the European Union and its exit from the EMU. Through the process of orderly default, Greece was slated to become the first country to inaugurate the two-speed European Union. All Greek governments, from 2010 until today, faithfully served these aspirations of the supranational elite.

The SYRIZA government is collapsing in a much shorter time than its predecessors, the Samaras and Papandreou governments. Despite the fact that within 5 months they renounced the plan for which they were elected, that they accepted the repayment of debt, and signed the extension of the existing memorandum No. 2, despite stepping over many of their red lines in the negotiations with the aim of signing a new memorandum agreement with the creditors – an agreement they admitted themselves was much harsher than the measures proposed by [ex-finance minister] Hardouvelis – the lenders decided on Greek default and exit from the EMU, with the debt obligations of course to remain intact. In five months in power, SYRIZA proved how impracticable was their program, how inapplicable were their Keynesian reforms pursued in a globalized neoliberal environment within the framework of the European Union, how contradictory it was to accept the debt repayment while seeking to increase the basic salary, to agree to privatizations and want the state to be represented in the privatized enterprises, to request financing from the lenders while not wanting to apply the terms of the loan agreement that they themselves agreed to extend on February 20, 2015, to engage in hard negotiations while stepping over red lines by agreeing to memorandum measures and indirectly, with the new taxes and VAT increase, to a further reduction of people’s income, layoffs and unemployment increase; to think they blackmail the lenders by threatening not to pay the loan installments while on February 20 they’ve agreed to sign that there cannot be a unilateral breach of debt payments and that the Greek state-owned assets are frozen and can be sold off unless they pay.

It is certain that all the while the lenders thought the SYRIZA-led government to be an unreliable partner and administrator of the Greek crisis. The July 5 referendum decided upon by the government, to accept or reject the proposals of the lenders, is nothing else but the communications management of its political shipwreck, accompanied by conspiracy theories and suspicions of a political coup and “new Iouliana” [in reference to July 1965 events] aiming at its overthrow.

But, in reality, the SYRIZA government collapses under the weight of its own contradictions and its own deadlock. The referendum has no material basis because 5 days before the vote, on June 30, the austerity program expires and the country is already in default status, so there’s no such thing as a new negotiation or a proposal for an agreement with the lenders. Furthermore, the outcome of the referendum whatever it is will have no influence on the country’s bankruptcy and exit from the EMU, both of which are unavoidable, nor will it avert the eventual collapse of the government.

In the case of “Yes” in the referendum on the proposal of the lenders, the collapse of the government will be much more immediate, given that they formally drafted it in favor of the “No”.

If indeed the majority who participate choose “No”, it is possible for the government to gain a bit of time, but it is completely incapable and unprepared to deal with the consequences of bankruptcy and exit from the EMU, so sooner or later its fall is given.

Regardless of the outcome though, the referendum is misleading because what really is at stake, namely the Euro or Drachma dilemma, does not provide any solution to the problems of the people.

As we have said as Revolutionary Struggle, Greece’s exit from the EMU and the adoption of the Drachma in the European Union framework leaves the problem of debt untouched, and does not invalidate the memorandum-related commitments. Since a term of the memorandum prohibits the conversion of the debt from Euro into any undervalued national currency, not only the adoption of the Drachma would not reduce the debt, but it would increase it.

Also, the adoption of the undervalued Drachma would lead to further devaluation in the purchasing power of workers, and thus deterioration of living standards, which will further increase poverty and immiseration. Therefore, the question of currency alone does not solve the problem. Those who think that the exit from the EMU inside the European Union is a radical solution are grievously mistaken. Currently Greece’s exit from the Eurozone is being sought by the lenders themselves to downgrade a country to a protectorate within the framework of the European Union so it can be sold more easily to repay its debts.

Only action from below, only the action of a Revolutionary Movement that will overthrow the capital and the state, will erase the debt, will pull the country out of the European Union itself, NATO and the market economy, would give a radical solution while proposing the reorganization of society on the basis of Libertarian Communism, based on a confederation of communities, workers’ councils and popular assemblies. Right now, the political bankruptcy of SYRIZA, the country’s bankruptcy and exit from the EMU – the consequences of which are unknown even to the lenders themselves – open up a range of opportunities for revolutionary forces, so that we advance the prospect of overturn.

Abstention from the referendum.

No to the Euro or Drachma dilemma.

The only solution is social revolution and the people in arms.

Nikos Maziotis
Koridallos prison

[June 28, 2015]

Greek prisons – Revolutionary Struggle case: Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas transferred to Koridallos prison ahead of second-instance trial

On May 21st 2015, the Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters reported that the anarchist prisoners Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas were transferred from Domokos prison to the dungeon in Koridallos women’s prison ahead of the second-instance trial on Revolutionary Struggle’s action (2003-2010).

Gournas and Maziotis are currently separated from other prisoners convicted as members of armed revolutionary organisations, who are also being held in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison (i.e. four CCF anarchists, and the convicted 17N member Iraklis Kostaris).

The appeal trial in the Revolutionary Struggle case (2003-2010 action) will begin on Friday, May 22nd 2015, at 9am. The Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters call everyone to express their solidarity with the comrades on trial and attend court proceedings at Koridallos prison.

The comrades who were sentenced in the first-instance court ruling are the prisoners Kostas Gournas and Nikos Maziotis, as well as the fugitive Pola Roupa, who have assumed political responsibility for their participation in the organisation, but also the conditionally released Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis, who have denied their involvement.

A few notes on the Revolutionary Struggle case:

The anarchist urban guerrilla group Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas) has carried out direct actions in Athens since 2003, targeting structures and organs of the State and the Capital, defending armed and class struggle, and aiming towards social revolution. Their revolutionary action includes a rocket propelled grenade attack, car bomb explosions, bombings and gunshots, among others, against the Finance and Labour ministries, the United States Embassy, the Athens Stock Exchange, anti-riot cops, police stations, court buildings, multinational corporations, banks, as well as a politician implicated in high-profile scandals.

In March 2010, anarchist Lambros Foundas was killed in a shootout with cops. A month later, Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas (in pretrial incarceration at the time) claimed political responsibility for their participation in Revolutionary Struggle and explained that Lambros Foundas was also a member of the same organisation.

In no way does the claim of political responsibility mean that these anarchists accept criminal charges such as ‘terrorist association,’ and so forth. Below are short excerpts from a letter of the three members on their reasons for undertaking responsibility after they were caught by police:

“By claiming political responsibility, we wanted to defend the armed struggle, and to highlight its timelessness and importance within the broader struggle for the overthrow and social revolution. (…) Also, by undertaking political responsibility we wanted to restore the memory and honour of our comrade Lambros Foundas, who was a member of Revolutionary Struggle and was killed in an armed battle with cops in March 2010 during an attempted expropriation of a car —a preparatory act of a wider action plan of our organisation.”

The first trial on Revolutionary Struggle’s action (2003-2010) started in October 2011 and reached its end in April 2013. Out of 8 defendants, only three were self-admitted members of Revolutionary Struggle: Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis (both of whom became fugitives in the middle of the proceeding) and Kostas Gournas. The three members received sentences of up to 50 years imprisonment.

Two other accused comrades, Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis, were sentenced to (a little over) 7 years, even though they have denied their participation in the organisation. They were then taken to prison alongside Kostas Gournas. In July 2013, Kortesis and Stathopoulos were granted conditional release and walked out of Koridallos prison under restrictive conditions.

In July 2014, Nikos Maziotis – who had gone underground along with Pola Roupa two years earlier – was seriously injured after a shootout with cops in the area of Monastiraki, central Athens, and taken captive. A few days later, he was transferred to a prison in northern Greece. The comrade was the first prisoner to be moved, on December 30th 2014, to the (then) newly-inaugurated ‘type C’ maximum security prison in Domokos.

Nikos Maziotis faces another trial, accused of the bomb attack against the Supervision Directorate of the Bank of Greece at Amerikis Street in Athens, in April 2014, the shootout in Monastiraki, and bank robberies. As a member of Revolutionary Struggle, Nikos Maziotis assumed political responsibility for the bombing at the Bank of Greece, framed within the second period in the ongoing action of the organisation.

Already in 2009, the anarchist urban guerrilla group Revolutionary Struggle was designated a ‘foreign terrorist organisation’ by the U.S. Department of State, in the aftermath of a rocket propelled grenade attack against the U.S. Embassy in Athens in January 2007. Recently, in April 2015, the State Department issued ‘terrorist designation’ against anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle.

Beginning May 22nd 2015, the appeal trial on the Revolutionary Struggle case (2003-2010 action) will be held in the special court of Koridallos women’s prison. In Athens, trial sessions in cases regarding so-called ‘terrorist’ organisations take place at courtrooms inside the prison. Each time that visitors and lawyers enter the specific courtrooms, their identity cards are kept upon entry, with all that this entails.

Solidarity with the urban guerrillas Kostas Gournas and Nikos Maziotis, members of the Revolutionary Struggle, and the comrades Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis, who stand trial in the same case.

Solidarity with the wanted comrade Pola Roupa, member of the Revolutionary Struggle.

Greece: Statement of Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis about the U.S. State Department list of international “terrorists”

In 2009, the anarchist urban guerrilla group Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas) was designated a “foreign terrorist organization” by the U.S. Department of State, in the aftermath of a rocket propelled grenade attack against the U.S. Embassy in Athens in January 2007.

On April 21, 2015, the State Department issued “terrorist designation” against one of the members of Revolutionary Struggle, anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis. The next day, the comrade issued the following statement in response.

“Whoever is not with us is against us”
– from a speech of U.S. President George W. Bush after September 11, 2001

“We are not with you, we are against you”
– from a statement of Nikos Maziotis to the special court in Koridallos prisons on June 11, 2012 regarding the Revolutionary Struggle attack on the U.S. Embassy

The State Department admittedly did me great honor by including me in the list of international “terrorists”. This is the second time that the planetary killers honor me as a Revolutionary Struggle member, since they had placed a one-million-dollar bounty on me along with other members of the organization after the Revolutionary Struggle attack against the U.S. Embassy in Athens in January 2007.

Obviously this move signifies the pressure exerted on the Greek government in response to the recent passing of the justice ministry’s bill, which includes a provision whereby prisoners with disabilities of over 80% like Savvas Xiros, from a point onwards, may be placed under house arrest on electronic monitoring for the remainder of their sentence, what the U.S. ambassador to Greece described as a hostile act.

This move is a sign of lack of confidence towards the Greek government, and sends a strong message; that the U.S. government – which does not recognize any court precedent in another State in case of an attack on U.S. targets – may arrest and prosecute any armed fighter and revolutionary who have attacked U.S. targets anywhere in the world, even if they have stood trial and have been incarcerated in the country where this attack was perpetrated. But the State Department has nothing to worry about. The SYRIZA-led government, despite deviations, will present themselves as consistent with the united front in the war on “terrorism”, just as they are being consistent with their debt repayment obligations to the creditors of the supranational elite. Besides, they stated that they “are doubly sensitive to issues of terrorism, since many attacks were carried out in the name of the Left.”

Regardless of how many years I have to spend in prison, regardless of the price I pay, I will always be filled with joy remembering how we as Revolutionary Struggle humiliated them that morning of January 2007, when we struck the facade of the U.S. Embassy with an anti-tank RPG, and I will always remember with satisfaction the words of the then U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who woke the then planetarch George W. Bush, saying: “Mister President, we are under attack in Athens.”

Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle
Domokos prison

Greek prisons: Hunger strike termination statement by Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis

On April 5th 2015, anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis announced the end of his hunger strike. Below is his statement.
After 35 days of struggle, I terminate the hunger strike that I began on March 2nd along with other comrades. I have decided to do so not owing to the fact that I have reached the limits of my endurance but because I believe that, considering the developments regarding the requestive context, this fight has completed its cycle and has exhausted its potential, taking into account also the solidarity acts that have taken place. I have chosen to suspend the hunger strike now, after the justice ministry’s bill introduction, seeing no point in waiting at least 10 days until it’s voted on, after Easter has passed. I however remain extremely cautious over any modifications that the ministry is supposed to present in relation to the hoodie law or DNA legislation; because the government has already demonstrated how unreliable it is in fulfilling its proclamations.

I participated in the hunger strike with a broken arm, having been injured during my arrest, a fracture that will take some time, perhaps months or over a year, to recover from. The demands which I supported alongside other imprisoned comrades are of a purely political character, because they are aimed against the “anti-terror” and repressive core of the State. I had no illusions from the outset that all of the demands, such as abolition of the 187A anti-terrorism law and the 187 law on criminal organisation, are “realistically” achievable, but they had to be put forward for political reasons.

The course of events showed that the SYRIZA-led government found itself in a very difficult position, but at the same time it’s not as vulnerable to political pressure from the struggle of political prisoners and people in solidarity as some would like to believe. Instead, it is more vulnerable to pressure exerted by the right wing, where there’s a greater sensitivity toward issues of “anti-terror” and repressive policy. Those who, while in opposition, claimed to have “fought” for the rights of prisoners, those who declared themselves against the “anti-terror” laws, such as the current ministers of justice and public order, those who declared themselves against the hoodie law, and have now come to power and lead the government, were faced with the first hunger strike of political prisoners aiming at a vindication of all that.

While in power, having within a very short time refuted everything they had proclaimed before elections regarding the memorandum and the debt, it is expected that they will leave the anti-terrorism legislation intact. Having accepted everything – the memorandum, the debt, the troika, the evaluation – they used to denounce while in opposition, having accepted the dependence on the International Monetary Fund and, by extension, the US – which means that it is impossible to repeal anti-terrorism laws – they chose to employ delaying tactics against the struggle of hunger striking political prisoners, and submitted an already proclaimed bill with whatever amendments only after one month, risking damage to the health and the lives of imprisoned comrades, as demonstrated in the case of comrade [Michalis] Nikolopoulos, who came close to death and may have suffered permanent damage. If this proves out, then this fight will come at a heavy cost; furthermore, it’ll be an “achievement” of the leftist government led by SYRIZA, leaving an indelible mark because no other Greek government in the past let a hunger striker suffer permanent damage.

I will not speak in terms of victory or defeat. Regardless of its outcome, the struggle of political prisoners is of great importance and value. It is the first hunger strike of political prisoners, and as I’ve said before, this struggle goes far beyond its requestive context. It is the only combative political mobilisation that the SYRIZA-led government was faced with so far. This struggle has dispelled the illusions of a leftist facade of Power, a leftist crutch of capitalism, a leftist administration of the crisis. This is the great political legacy left behind by this struggle, and in this respect, we have definitely come out winners.

Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle
Domokos [type C] prison

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Greek prisons: CCF prisoners stopped hunger strike in view of upcoming release of their family members

On April 4th 2015, the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire prisoners announced the end of their hunger strike, anticipating that the mother and the partner of Gerasimos Tsakalos will soon be released from prison. Below are excerpts from their statement.
Today’s a day that a crack opens up in the walls of the prison world surrounding us. After 32 days of hunger strike, the mother of Christos and Gerasimos Tsakalos and Gerasimos’ life companion will shortly exit prison and be free again. (…)

This victory has not resulted only from the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire hunger strike. It is a victory of so many people in solidarity, who have broken the social tranquility with arson attacks, occupations, acts of sabotage, demonstrations, protest gatherings, unwarned interventions, and transformed the cities into a field of insurrectional moments and the occupied buildings into living laboratories of subversive situations. (…)

Today we end the hunger strike, having beaten the scarecrows of Power that wanted our relatives imprisoned. NEVERTHELESS, a hunger strike among the rest of the political prisoners is currently underway having put forward broader demands. The coming days are critical both for their health and the wager of overall anarchic struggle. (…)

STRENGTH AND SOLIDARITY to the anarchist comrade Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle, and the Network of Imprisoned Fighters.

VICTORY TO THE STRUGGLE WAGED BY HUNGER STRIKING PRISONERS

EVERYTHING CONTINUES…

Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI/FRI
Prison Cell
4/4/2015

in Spanish

Lamia, Greece: Nikos Maziotis, on hunger strike since 2/3, currently hospitalised

On April 2nd, Revolutionary Struggle prisoner on hunger strike Nikos Maziotis was transferred from the type C maximum security prison of Domokos to the provincial hospital in Lamia due to further deterioration in his health condition. Recall that the comrade was seriously injured as recently as July 2014, after a shootout with his captors.

summary constantly updated

Greek prisons: Hunger strike statement by Nikos Maziotis (issued 2/3/2015)

HUNGER STRIKE OF NIKOS MAZIOTIS, MEMBER OF THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE, IN THE CONTEXT OF THE COMBATIVE MOBILISATION OF POLITICAL PRISONERS

In the past 15 years and especially since the war on “terrorism” was waged, the capitalist system throughout the world has become increasingly totalitarian in order to impose the dictatorship of the markets, the interests of the supranational financial elite, which has emerged from the globalisation of the system after the end of bipolarism. In this context, repression, the reinforcement of the legislative and penal arsenal of states in this new globalised environment against the political enemies of the new order and especially against the threat of armed revolutionary action, is of great significance and is applied for the reproduction of the system, especially in recent years since the outbreak of the global financial crisis.

The Greek state, which is fully integrated into supranational capital, has adopted the neoliberal reforms dictated by the European Union, and has upgraded its legislative and penal arsenal to the demands of the international “war on terrorism”. Thus, in 2001 the state passed the first “anti-terrorist” law, article 187 of the penal code (criminal organisation), in 2004 it passed the second “anti-terrorist” law, article 187A (terrorist organisation), in 2009, shortly after the December 2008 uprising, it passed the anti-hoodie law (a law criminalizing covering one’s face in demonstrations), and in 2010 it modified article 187A rendering it even more repressive. In 2012, by order of the state prosecutor it established the use of violent means in retrieving DNA samples from suspects, and finally, during the summer of 2014, as a logical sequence to its repressive policy, it passed a law establishing type C maximum security prisons for political prisoners.

This gradual upgrade of the state’s repressive attack in these past years has intensified in conjunction to the neoliberal reforms imposed by Greek governments. However, this attack peaked after the outbreak of the global financial crisis, after the December 2008 uprising, and the country’s subjection to the authority of the IMF (International Monetary Fund), ECB (European Central Bank) and EC (European Commission) by signing the first Memorandum in 2010.

In these conditions – where the establishment has lost the social consensus it enjoyed prior to the crisis, due to brutal policies unleashed in the past 6 years – repression and “anti-terrorist” legislation comprise the foundations and prerequisites for perpetuating the system.

Because the de-legitimisation of the establishment in the eyes of the social majority due to the greatest social robbery ever perpetrated against it, where hunger, poverty and misery plague the people, with thousands of deaths from suicides, from diseases, from the lack of basic necessities, with thousands of homeless people and those who eat from garbage or depend on soup kitchens to survive – all of this create the appropriate conditions for the prospect of revolution and of overthrowing a regime responsible for the crisis and all the suffering that has resulted from it.

The takeover of power and of the management of the capitalist crisis by Syriza after the elections of January 25th 2015 doesn’t essentially change anything. Despite the pre-election promises for the abolition of memorandum agreements and the trimming of the debt, the policy that the Syriza government is committed to follow is no different to that of its predecessors. This is obvious from the fact that they requested the extension of the existing bailout program, regardless of their communicative spin to rename the memorandum, or the IMF/ECB/EC troika into “institutions”. The fact is that the Syriza government has accepted both the memoranda and the debt and will sign a new memorandum-bailout program following the extension of the existing one, with all that this entails.

As a member of the Revolutionary Struggle and as a political prisoner in type C prisons, I believe that only the way of subversion and of armed popular and social revolution present a way out of the crisis and can reverse memoranda, loan agreements and erase the debt. As a member of the Revolutionary struggle and as a political prisoner in type C prisons, in the context of the combative mobilisation of political prisoners against the special “anti-terrorist” legislations, special courts and special prisons, I participate in the hunger strike since the 2nd of March, demanding:

1) The abolition of first “anti-terrorist” law of 2001, of article 187 (criminal organisation).
2) Abolition of second “anti-terrorist” law of 2004, of article 187Α (terrorist organisation).
3) Abolition of the anti-hoodie law.
4) Abolition of the law for type C prisons.
5) The release of convicted 17N member Savvas Xiros on health grounds.

Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle
Type C prison of Domokos

English translation (slightly edited here) via kraygesapotakelia

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Greece: Tension in Domokos maximum security prison

March 25th 2015 at approximately 13:00 local time

Another prisoner in Domokos has been killed at the hands of the State.

A prisoner of Pakistani origin in Domokos type C prison requested to be transferred to a hospital but instead he was taken from the E2 wing and placed in disciplinary isolation. He reportedly committed suicide in the disciplinary unit cell.

It is the second state murder in Domokos prisons after the SYRIZA party took over and Nikos Paraskevopoulos was appointed justice minister (on February 3rd 2015, a prisoner in Domokos died due to medical negligence).

Currently, there is tension in the E1 wing of type C prison, in which the comrades Nikos Maziotis (on hunger strike since 2/3), Yannis Naxakis and Christos Rodopoulos are being held. Prisoners have taken down the surveillance cameras, and generally, caused extensive damage to the E1 wing of Domokos maximum security prison.

Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters

Greek prisons: Text of anarchist hunger striker Nikos Maziotis about the CCF members’ hunger strike

NO ONE LEFT ALONE IN THE FACE OF STATE REPRESSION

Political prisoners have currently launched a hunger strike in Greek prisons beginning from March 2nd 2015. Some of them, like me, have a common context of demands regarding: the abolition of the ‘antiterrorism’ legislations, the abolition of the hoodie law and the type C prisons, and the release of the convicted 17N member Savvas Xiros on health grounds.

At the same time, the political prisoners of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire have also begun a hunger strike, demanding the release of their family members who were recently arrested and placed under preventive detention, after it was disclosed that CCF members organised a plan to escape Koridallos prisons.

Regardless of differences in demands, I support the CCF prisoners’ struggle as regards their demand. Despite the political differences between political prisoners and the problems that have arisen among them, despite the different context of the hunger strikes, I believe that people in solidarity, the anarchist-antiauthoritarian space should support all political prisoners. No one should be left alone in the face of repression.

Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle
Domokos type C prison

Greek prisons: Combative prisoners on collective hunger strike as of March 2nd 2015

On March 2nd 2015, combative prisoners launched a hunger strike in various Greek prisons. Their main demands are: the abolition of Article 187 (criminal organisation) and Article 187A (terrorist organisation) of the Greek Penal Code; of the “hoodie law” (acts committed with concealed physical characteristics); of the legal framework for type C prisons; of the prosecutorial provision of forcible taking of DNA samples – and the immediate release from prison of Savvas Xiros (convicted for his participation in the R.O. 17 November) on health grounds.

So far, those who have joined the political prisoners’ mobilisation and collective hunger strike are three urban guerrillas incarcerated in the E1 wing of Domokos type C prison: Dimitris Koufontinas, Kostas Gournas, and Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis – and five participants in the Network of Imprisoned Fighters (DAK): Antonis Stamboulos (Larissa prison), Tasos Theofilou (Domokos prison), Fivos Harisis, Argyris Ntalios and Giorgos Karagiannidis (Koridallos prison). The rest of the comrades who participate in the Network of Imprisoned Fighters will join the hunger strike in the coming days.

Furthermore, in the E1 wing of Domokos type C prison, Giorgos Sofianidis has been on hunger strike since February 27th, requesting the abolition of type C maximum security prisons, in addition to his immediate transfer to Koridallos prison in order to continue his studies – and as of today, March 2nd, Mohamed-Said Elchibah also went on a hunger strike.

related posts in Spanish: 1, 2, 3, 4

Greece: Statement signed by all the prisoners in the E1 wing of Domokos type C prison

Prisoner Giorgos Sofianidis began a hunger strike on Friday 27/2 demanding his transfer to Koridallos prison (where he was incarcerated until News Year’s Eve) so that he is able to attend his studies in the same region where educational institutions to which he has already been admitted are available (besides, one of those schools operates inside Koridallos prison). Below is a statement by all the prisoners in the E1 wing of Domokos maximum security prison.

We, all the prisoners currently held in the E1 special wing in the prison within the prison, the type C prison of Domokos, declare that as of today February 27th 2015 we are going to abstain from prison meals and refuse to enter the cells at noon.

We stand by our fellow prisoner, hunger striker Giorgos Sofianidis, and ask that he be moved back to Koridallos prison, otherwise he risks losing any possibility to study at the TEI (Technological Education Institute) of Piraeus and the IEK (Institute of Professional Training) of Koridallos prison.

We demand that the special conditions of detention as well as the barbaric and inhumane type C prison be abolished.

Our mobilisations will continue until the type C prisons are permanently abolished.

Kostas Gournas
Nikos Maziotis
Dimitris Koufontinas
Giorgos Sofianidis
Yannis Naxakis
Alexandros Meletis
Konstantinos Meletis
Vasileios Varelas
Mohamed-Said Elchibah
Alexandros Makadasidis