Tag Archives: Koridallos prisons

Athens, Greece: Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis continue hunger strike in Koridallos prisons

On December 5th 2017, Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis were forcibly removed from Koridallos prisons (both were subjected to headlocks, holds, etc.) and were involuntarily admitted to the General State Hospital of Nikaia. The prison prosecutor pressed physicians to force-feed the two hunger strikers. The hospital doctors refused to treat the prisoners against their will, and solely reported that Nikos Maziotis has lost 14.6% of his initial body weight, while Pola Roupa has lost 12.8% of her initial body weight.

On December 6th (on the 26th day of their hunger strike), Roupa and Maziotis were finally discharged from the hospital and returned to Koridallos prisons, determined to continue their hunger strike until their demands are met (among other things, they request extended visits with their six-year-old child).

Maziotis was informed that he would be placed in a disciplinary segregation unit, until damages at B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison are repaired. This means that the comrade is being punished for having completely destroyed the solitary confinement wing where he has been held for over 5 months, and is now facing appalling conditions, even worse than the previous ones.

Athens, Greece: Involuntary hospitalization of Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa

Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa are on hunger strike since November 11th 2017.

The two imprisoned comrades are fighting against isolation measures; against specific provisions of the new correctional code aimed at repressing them as high-security prisoners; against the proposed detention of high-security prisoners in police stations; against the intended reinstatement of the type C prison regime. They also demand an immediate end of the solitary confinement imposed on Nikos Maziotis (since July, the comrade is kept isolated from other prisoners by a decision of the justice ministry); an extension of visiting hours based on the frequency of visits a prisoner has; appropriate visitation rooms for incarcerated parents to meet with their children.

They made it clear from the outset that they only receive water. They have repeatedly asked to be granted unhindered phone communication with their six-year-old son before being transferred from Koridallos prisons to any hospital.

On December 2nd, Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were transferred to a hospital outside the prisons due to the deterioration of their health condition. However, the next day both comrades asked to be sent back to the prisons because eventually they were not permitted unhindered phone communication with their child.

On December 4th, Nikos Maziotis burned and destroyed the B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison, where he has been held in solitary confinement for 5 months. He was then moved to the prison infirmary because of the fumes, and was threatened with further isolation – this time in a disciplinary unit of Koridallos prisons.

In the early hours of December 5th, hunger strikers Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were forcibly transferred outside Koridallos prisons. The prison prosecutor ordered their involuntary hospitalization. They are currently being kept at the General State Hospital of Nikaia, both threatened with force-feeding. As of yet, the hospital doctors have not succumbed to the prosecutor’s order.

Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa continue their hunger strike. They have stated they will not accept serum, and will act against involuntary treatment and force-feeding (torture) in every possible way.

(all related posts in Greek)

Austria: Anarchist Black Cross solidarity event at ABC Solidarity Fest Vienna [20.-23. April 2017]

Solidarity event of “Anarchist Black Cross – Solidarity Cell” with imprisoned comrades of Koridallos prison (Athens) @ ABC FESTIVAL VIENNA (20. – 23. April 2017)

“As anarchists, we perceive the need of a multiform anarchist struggle, posing the issue of attack against state and vassalage that is imposed, with every means possible, here and now.”(from the self presentation text of the ABC Group)

In this event the comrades from “ABC – Solidarity Cell” will talk about the importance of solidarity to anarchist prisoners the solidarity endeavors and the connection of struggles inside and outside the walls. Further it will contain a deconstruction of the meaning of anarchist movement and the myth of the district of Exarchia.

“(…) we do not consider that the action of our anarchist comrades is finished after imprisonment or repression.”(from the self presentation text of the ABC Group)

During the event there will be a presence of three anarchist prisoner, via Live-Connection, Koridallos prison:

– Nikos Romanos
– Panagiotis Argyrou CCF-Metropolitan Violence cell/FAI-IRF
– Olga Oikonomidou CCF-Urban Guerrilla cell/FAI-IRF

They will talk about the following topics:

– The conditions in prisons and the situation of anarchist prisoners in Greece
– The importance of solidarity assemblies for the anarchist prisoners and the connection of struggles inside and outside the walls
– The choice and the importance of armed struggle, the responsibility claim on period of action and particular of participation in armed organisation, the importance and consignment of those choices
– The choice of jailbreaking
– The position of woman in armed struggle

It will be also possible to raise questions to the comrades in prison, so the communication will be communication in both directions.

Some words from anarchist prisoner Panagiotis Argyrou dedicated to the ABC Festival:

There are times when you feel a certain kind of strength inside you. This may be happening for different reasons each time ,but undoubtly it is always a very positive feeling . Such a kind of strength may feel a prisoner when he/she discovers that there are other individuals wanting a touch, a contact, a communication , a conversation with him/her. It is a very strong feeling , a unique one, the feeling of a great strenght filling you all over and this is something priceless. This feeling that you are not alone , that there are other comrades wanting to share moments, experiences or whatever, with you , is something so valuable that only freedom itself can compare with. So let me thank you very much for the opportunity you offer me to have some contact even if it is for so little. I wish future bring us more oppurtunities so that one day we can have the chance to have a live talk outside the walls. A big warm hug, Panagiotis Argyrou, member of CCF-FAI

Contacts:

ABC Solidarity Cell Website: abcsolidaritycell.espivblogs.net
E-Mail: abcsolidaritycell@riseup.net

Nikos Romanos State prison of Korydallos – Mens prison-ward A’, P.C. 18110, Korydallos, Athens

Panagiotis Argyrou State prison of Korydallos – Mens prison-ward A’, P.C. 18110, Korydallos, Athens

Olga Oikonomidou State prison of Korydallos – Womens prison, P.C. 18110, Korydallos, Athens

Other events @ the ABC Festival Vienna you can find here: abcfestvienna.noblogs.org

Location:

ERNST KIRCHWEGER HAUS
Wielandgasse 2-4
1100 Wien

Athens, Greece: Three Revolutionary Struggle prisoners on hunger & thirst strike – Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas abducted

In the early morning hours of January 5th 2017, two Revolutionary Struggle members, fugitive comrade Pola Roupa and anarchist Konstantina Athanasopoulou were captured at a southern suburb of Athens. Anti-terror cops raided a hideout with Pola and her six-year-old son inside, while Konstantina was arrested in another house nearby.

After being forcibly removed from his mother, Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas—the small son of Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa—is being held captive inside a children’s hospital guarded by cops(!), without any access to visitations by his close relatives or even the legal representative of his parents.

The Greek authorities, and in particular the public prosecutor for minors Mrs. Nikolou, still refuse to entrust the child to first-degree relatives of Pola Roupa.

In response to this, three Revolutionary Struggle members—the anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis, the recaptured comrade Pola Roupa and the newly arrested Konstantina Athanasopoulou—have undergone hunger and thirst strike since January 5th, demanding that the six-year-old be immediately placed with his aunt and grandmother (relatives on his mother’s side).

In an open letter Nikos Maziotis stated, among others, that: “Our son is the child of two revolutionaries, and he’s proud of his parents. We will not succumb to any blackmail. We defend our choices with our very life”.

On January 6th, during the women’s transfer to Evelpidon courts, Pola shouted: “The worms are holding my kid captive at Paidon (children’s hospital in Athens), guarded by armed cops; at the age of six, he is a prisoner of war” and: “Long live the Revolution!”. Furthermore, Pola stated: “I am a revolutionary, and I have nothing to apologize for.”

Below is Konstantina’s statement:

“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas). The only terrorists are the State and the Capital. I refuse to eat and drink anything until the child of my comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis is delivered to relatives of theirs.
Konstantina Athanasopoulou”

On the inside, anarchist prisoners and other inmates at different wings of Koridallos male and female prisons have mounted a joint protest by refusing lock-up, to claim an end to the captivity of Lambros-Viktoras in solidarity with the Revolutionary Struggle prisoners currently on hunger and thirst strike.

On the outside, comrades in various cities throughout Greece have carried out diverse actions in immediate support of the anarchist revolutionaries, demanding that the first-degree relatives of Pola Roupa be granted immediate visitation and custody of the underage child.

Strength to Konstantina Athanasopoulou, Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, proud members of Revolutionary Struggle.

Revolutionary Struggle will neither lay down arms nor surrender to the enemies of freedom.

in German | Italian | Portuguese

Greek prisons: A writing by CCF members for the US prison mobilization and anarchist prisoners in Italy (released Sept. 12th)

NON SERVIAM – I WILL NOT SERVE YOU

“Worse than enslavement is getting used to it…”

Life in the modern civilized world comprises false representations, false patterns, and false formalities. Formalities that determine our upbringing within a family, our education, our professional career, our relationships, our emotions, our smiles or tears. Patterns that castrate the scope of our perception so that our thoughts are directed onto a moving walkway going only one direction. Representations that disguise the system’s functions and pathogenies so that we see life unfold only on stage, and never wonder what’s hidden backstage. So, the thousands of suicides of desperate debtors is just another statistic among the unpleasant consequences of the economic crisis, the impoverishment of the so-called third world is just an unfortunate fact, and its wounds will heal by charity organizations, the countless dead of modern crusades, the unfortunate victims of the absurdity of war, and the convict slaves in American prisons are simply antisocial elements that provide social services to Democracy.

Prison itself is exile from life; a non-place and non-time behind the screen of a decent society, to make the ugliness that bothers the eyes of reputable citizens unseeable. Prisons are a proof of the perverse intelligence of authoritarian minds. They’re built onto walls echoing the screaming and weeping of thousands of people who’ve learned to sleep with anguish and despair. Prison is the country of captivity, the country where one learns to kneel before the “Forbidden”, a landfill for the disposal of human waste, an industrial dump where the social machine’s hazardous waste ends up. For most people, however, for all those who never learned to doubt, to question, to look beyond the obvious, prison is a security wall necessary to protect their peaceful and quiet life.

It’s certainly hypocritical on the part of a society to display the supremacy of its democratic civilization, its humanitarian values and social sensitivities so vulgarly, when those deemed unfit to exist within the same society are piled up in souls’ warehouses. But it’s infinitely more hypocritical, and infuriating at the same time, to turn these imprisoned existences, these living dead, into a marketable value through a modern and sophisticated slave trade.

Yet this is the reality for nearly 2.5 million inmates in US prisons, whom the modern Empire has turned into slaves. These prisoners-slaves are the lowest caste of social margins. They don’t only experience the cruelty of captivity, but are condemned to lose their human beingness altogether; to become slaves in the modern galleys of American hellholes to the financial benefit of privatized prisons and multinationals that, using part of this dirty money, support election campaigns of various politicians who promise order and security to their voters. In turn, the voters—predefined coefficients in a rigged equation—fulfill their role, and the solution is always obedience. That’s exactly why the happiest slaves are the greatest enemies of freedom.

But there are other slaves who aren’t so happy. They are the “fallen angels” in a society whose authoritarian perversion treats humans as cogs. But these human cogs are slowly turning against this very society. Throughout the US and the prisons in that territory, an increasingly growing whisper starts to spread. On September 9th, this whisper is transformed into an angry cry of freedom, screaming in the face of the almighty corrections system the ancient cry of rebellion: “Non serviam – I will not serve.”

September 9th is a landmark day for inmates in American prisons because 45 years ago, on September 9th 1971, the fire of Attica prison was lit. Nearly 1,500 prisoners rioted, took jailers hostage, and put forward a series of radical demands. Power replied with zero tolerance: four days later, on September 13th 1971, New York state troops stormed and retook the prison. The crackdown took a heavy toll, killing almost 40 (about 30 inmates and 10 hostages) and wounding 89 others. Because of this exact symbolic character, September 9th is a landmark day for the new coordinated prisoner mobilization, too.

Struggles as this one, despite their intermediary nature, are qualitatively upgraded—compared, for example, to strictly personal claims or unionist demands. Because this particular struggle concerns the total abolition of an institution that’s a pillar of repression and economy, social control and the security doctrine policy. Moreover, prisoners are waging a struggle under extreme and multifaceted oppression, so even calling it an intermediate struggle is something that may not eventually apply to the situation. Because forced labor in prisons is an institution that serves the system in many parallel ways. This is precisely the institution that defines a gray-zone status of millions of slaves for a limited or lifetime tenure. The fact that these are humans designated criminals one way or another, legitimizes this gray zone in the eyes of the rest of society, that don’t care to express some moral or values-related objection and, worse still, benefit from its existence. A struggle for the abolition and the denial of such an institution, a fight which also includes a form of sabotage against the interests served by this very institution, is nothing but a barricade of the most basic dignity against the cruelest face of Power. Certainly, this struggle alone will not determine the entirety of the repression policies that domination may adopt. Regardless of its outcome though, this struggle can be a civil disobedience beacon against the system, and the fact that this beacon will owe its strength to all the damned, the outcast, the socially disinherited—who nowadays receive “revolutionary” anathemas on some occasions—has its own special meaning.

Of course, we don’t seek to make any idealization or embellishment of the entirety of prisoners. Being exiled in the country of captivity for several years already, we’ve seen the composition of a prison population up close, and we don’t harbor any illusion whatsoever that they’re deterministically some kind of revolutionary subjects. In most cases, in fact, an abyss of values separates us from other inmates because of their choices or contradictions over the course of their lives. However, being captives ourselves, we cannot but feel the agony of all those prisoners in the US.

Beyond all this, it’s also a lucid political composure that allows us to put aside any differences we feel we may have with the subject of detainees, as these differences are not enough to make us stand indifferent and unmoved in front of the size, the moral implications, the stakes, the historical and political legacy of such a struggle. In other words, our solidarity reflexes haven’t been activated by emotional and experiential criteria only, but also originate in a political consistency. For all these reasons, we feel the need to express our support to the concerted campaign that began inside the US prisons from September 9th onwards, during which prisoners deny the role of the slave imposed upon them by the democratic society, and factually demonstrate defiance and disobedience. And, as has been said: “Disobedience is the true foundation of liberty.”

The internationalization of this struggle through callouts of prisoners themselves, who ask support from every solidarity initiative, enhances the dynamics of international solidarity in total, making it, even coincidentally, another piece in the mosaic of international solidarity calls such as June 11th or the International Solidarity Week every August. But, for us, it’s not about limiting solidarity to dates marked on the calendar; instead, it’s about highlighting the beauty and authenticity of an informal anarchist coordination. That’s why we’ve endorsed the proposal of ABC Anarchist Solidarity Cell, to coordinate solidarity gestures on an International Solidarity Day (October 1st), as we believe their callout contributes to this direction.

Finally, we want to send our warm greetings to all anarchists and all politicized prisoners willing to be part of this struggle, regardless of their reasons for doing so.

PS: Words are sometimes not enough to capture all the intensity of one’s emotions in certain circumstances. The truth is we were struck at the news that the filth of the Italian counterterrorism unit (DIGOS) launched yet another anti-anarchist attack against comrades in Italy, under the imaginative name “Scripta Manent” (written words remain). Raids, house searches, persecutions, suspect lists, arrests, pretrial detentions…

Once again the target of repression is the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI), but now they remembered to dig up cases concerning the placement of explosive devices back in 2006 and 2007. Anna Beniamino, Marco Bisesti, Emiliano Danilo Cremonese, Valentina Speziale and Alessandro Mercogliano passed the prison threshold, while a new detention order was issued against our incarcerated brothers Alfredo Cospito and Nicola Gai, members of FAI’s Olga Cell (that claimed responsibility for the shooting of Roberto Adinolfi, the chief executive of Ansaldo Nucleare). In a separate investigation, during a house search where police found an electrician’s manual and some batteries, another comrade, Daniele Cortelli, who’s active in Croce Nera Anarchica (Italian Anarchist Black Cross), was charged with possessing materials for potential manufacture of explosive devices, and then sent to custody, too. We may be familiar with the notion of captivity, but we will never be able to accept the bad news of comrades’ arrest, no matter how far they are, without feeling tightness in our heart. Our thoughts are with them and everyone else who’ve abruptly entered into a new chapter in their life—the prison chapter.

Finally, we send our warmest salute to our brother Alfredo Cospito. On August 30th 2016, with complete disregard for any consequences, he smashed the glass partition window of the visitations room in the security wing of Ferrara prison in solidarity with the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire in Greece, after the 115-year prison sentence that was recently imposed on all of its imprisoned members.

Comrade, your act brightened our hearts and filled us with emotion. Such fraternal gestures prove the real beauty of authentic anarchist solidarity. We wish you strength to go through whatever might come next.

The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire members:
Haris Hadjimihelakis
Theofilos Mavropoulos
Damiano Bolano
Panagiotis Argirou
Giorgos Nikolopoulos
Michalis Nikolopoulos

September 12th 2016
Koridallos prison (Athens, Greece)

in Greek

Greek prisons: A statement in support of the US prison mobilization by CCF-FAI/FRI Urban Guerrilla Cell (released Sept. 9th)

Soledad Brothers (from left to right): John Clutchette, George L. Jackson (September 23, 1941 — August 21, 1971) and Fleeta Drumgo

“Gentlemen, the Dragon Will Fly Out”
In Support of September 9th Mobilization in US Prisons

“Gentlemen, the dragon will fly out” is a saying attributed to prisoner George Jackson. On August 21st 1971, holding a pistol, he opened all the cells in an adjustment unit, taking jailers hostage. George Jackson was killed in his attempt to escape…

Since September 9th, prisoners in the United States have called for action against slavery.

A multitude of “invisible” slaves (there are about 2.5 million prisoners in the United States) are condemned to forced labor, or as jailers of their own selves (internal work in prisons, cleaning, repairs, technical operations), or as cheap meat in the service of corporate behemoths (Honda, McDonald’s, Wendy’s, Victoria’s Secret, Starbucks, and many others). Besides, the 13th amendment to the US constitution clearly states: “neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, EXCEPT as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted…” To put it simply, detainees are considered slaves as part of their punishment.

Prisons in America—and not just there–aren’t only bars, walls, surveillance cameras or lockdowns. They’re also an enormous lucrative business. Prisons are a dirty dealing for continuously supplied shackled labor force without name and without voice. They represent a modern slave trade, making billion-dollar profit, that not only supplies the companies-caretakers but also the industry of lawyers, judges, cops, corrections officers, private prisons.

Not long ago yet another judicial scandal, the “kids for cash” case, was revealed. President Judge Mark Ciavarella convicted juveniles (from 10 to 18 years of age) for the slightest offense, taking million-dollar kickbacks from the owners of private prisons Powell and Mericle with the purpose of supplying them with thousands of children prison slaves.

In Greece, incarceration is much more “velvet”, but it doesn’t cease to be incarceration. Greek prisons may not supply multinational companies with slaves, but that doesn’t mean they’re not a well-staged business operation. Not only do prisons fund an army of leeches (lawyers, cops, corrections officers, judges), but they make big business with construction companies (through overpriced contracts), pharmaceutical companies (after Greek hospitals, Greek prisons are the second best customer of the pharmaceutical industry, since handfuls of psychiatric drugs are administered to prisoners to keep them asleep), and large supermarket chains (always making sure to overprice items sold to prisoners).

Throughout America, massive arrests of suspects—that include humiliations, beatings, and shootings in the back—do not just serve “the restoration of the law”, but are a modern slave hunt for exploitation.

“Let the crops rot in the plantation fields,” write the prisoners in their callout against slavery, recalling the history of slaves in America; because sometimes, to move forward, you must go back to the roots, into the past. For every story of slaves there’s a story of a Spartacus.

Prisoners didn’t randomly choose the date of September 9th to begin their struggle. Forty five years ago, on September 9th 1971, a unique day was written in the calendar of dignity and struggle. It was on the fourth day of Attica riots that 1,000 cops stormed the prison, leaving behind 43 dead, including 33 inmates and 10 hostages (corrections officers and civilian employees), and 250 wounded. Back then, prisoners demanded amnesty, the release of political prisoners, and an end to torture. Now, they want to stop being slaves.

The Attica prison rebellion wasn’t a firework but the culmination of a decision taken by prisoners, expressed through slogans like: “If we cannot live as human beings, we will at least try to die as humans.” With so much blood already shed in a tide of events and acts, they had ruled out any possibility of making a return to prison normalcy.

Prisoners George Jackson, Fleeta Drumgo and John Clutchette, known as the “Soledad Brothers”, were accused of killing a prison guard at Soledad prison on January 16th 1970, in retaliation for the murder of three fellow prisoners by a corrections officer during a fight between inmates three days prior.

On August 7th 1970, George Jackson’s brother, Jonathan, stormed the Marin County courthouse armed with a shotgun and revolvers and alongside three prisoners, who attended a trial inside, took the Judge, the District Attorney and three jurors hostage. Jonathan and the prisoners demanded the release of the “Soledad Brothers”. The court was surrounded, and a shootout with cops and jailers ensued. Two of the prisoners, Jonathan Jackson and the judge held hostage were gunned down.

On August 21st 1971, George Jackson was shot to death by a guard at San Quentin prison. Jackson was carrying a gun and intended to escape. A disturbance in the prison occurred just before the killing, when three guards and two inmates-snitches were executed.

All these individual acts of rebellion were not detached from the collective power that the prisoners had begun to develop. These actions exceeded the prison walls and nurtured, and were nurtured by, the rebellions of blacks against racism and the movement against the Vietnam War at the time. Nowadays, the struggle of prisoners in the US against slavery is also tied to the movement in protest of police violence and shootings against black people.

Naturally, such struggles are closer to civil rights movements rather than total liberation movements. However, the prisoners themselves state: “We are not making demands or requests of our captors.”

Oftentimes in these struggles, such as we’ve experienced in Greek prisons, there’s a large portion of the prison population who insist on non-violence and “negotiating unionism” logic that leads to wire-pulling and emergence of representatives with personal ambitions. We therefore don’t want to falsify the characteristics of an intermediate struggle to make it appear as anarchic.

Anarchist prisoner Michael Kimble, apparently designated as a “ringleader” of rebellions, has criticized the pacifism that lurks in such mobilizations, stating: “I struggle within F.A.M. (Free Alabama Movement) not because I believe in the system, but because it causes pain to the state, but in no way do I think F.A.M. or any of the Freedom movements are going to topple the state.”

Intermediate struggles, when restricted in sectional demands, maim any total liberation perspective. The interest of an anarchist towards intermediate struggles is, through their intervention, to turn them into the accelerator of insurgency and revolution. There were plenty of moments when instances of prison struggle and armed urban guerrilla experiences mutually fed into one another. In the US, the Weather Underground organization attacked courts (Marin County courthouse, Long Island courthouse, and corrections offices) in solidarity with rebellious prisoners. In Germany, the RAF attacked several judicial officers and prosecutors in retaliation for the isolation of their imprisoned comrades, while in 1993 they literally blew up the Weiterstadt prison. In Italy, the Red Brigades, NAP (organization originating within prison walls), Prima Linea and many more armed cells organized escapes and kidnappings to release their comrades, and executed judges. On October 2nd 1979, political prisoners revolted and set fire to the Asinara maximum security prison. In Spain, GRAPO targeted prison governors and prison doctors.

In Greece, Conspiracy of Cells of Fire blew up the Thessaloniki courthouse and the Athens administrative court of first instance, placed a bomb outside Koridallos prison in 2010, and in cooperation with the Informal Anarchist Federation (FAI) attacked interrogating judges, prison directors and corrections officers.

In every part of the Earth, prisons are a monument of people’s enslavement. Prisons are the most concentrated form of tyranny; the face of Power, without any makeup; the punitive nature of democracy; the vengeful sense of its justice. Every attack, every act of rebellion, every mobilization that disturbs the operation of prisons is a kick in the guts of oppression. It challenges its omnipotence, within its own walls. Certainly, the September 9th mobilization against slavery in US prisons may not be the anarchic utopia of freedom we wish for, but it can be a pebble in the pond that creates small ripples in the water. And oftentimes these ripples precede the outbreak of an enormous tide…

The Return
For nine months before the state police came
and opened fire at Attica penitentiary
prison doctors said to sick Puerto Ricans
who understood only Spanish
“First learn English, then you can come back.”
It’s difficult to learn English when you’re dead
but they will come back for sure…
(Erich Fried, “The Return: Attica State Prison”)

Conspiracy of Cells of Fire / Urban Guerrilla Cell
FAI/FRI
Gerasimos Tsakalos
Christos Tsakalos
Giorgos Polidoros
Olga Ekonomidou

September 9th 2016
Koridallos prisons (Athens, Greece)

in Greek

[Agrinio, Western Greece] Apertus squat: Solidarity with the struggle against slavery in US prisons

The US prison operation relies heavily on the work of the prisoners themselves, while many prisons have now been privatized. Also, prison labor is being exploited by multinational companies (Honda, McDonald’s, Victoria’s Secret, Starbucks, etc.). Payment that prisoner-workers receive for their labor varies from minimal to nonexistent. Furthermore, surveillance, inhumane conditions of detention, discipline, various methods of torture, etc., are traditionally the first choices for the smooth operation of these prisons.

Prisoners in the US, experiencing and realizing their exploitation, have taken part in many different mobilizations over the years, often linking their struggle to the oppression of women and juveniles who are in other prisons, and with migrants in the many immigration detention centers throughout the US.

Since September 9th, prisoners across the country, knowing that the prison facilities cannot function without them, have started abstaining from work in order to put an “end to prison slavery.”

Sweatshop labor in US prisons is a link in the long chain of modern slavery. A chain that starts by modern slaves (“invisible” migrants), child labor, forced prostitution, and reaches to the conditions of modern “formal” paid employment (unemployed, precarious, black-market workers, uninsured, resilient, temps, etc.). These areas of slavery are important building blocks of capitalism. The armies of modern slaves are producing enormous amounts of surplus value for capital, which is a prerequisite to its expansion. And the capitalist “underworld” of US prisons is an invisible but massive piece of this capitalist puzzle. It is no coincidence that the institutionalization of imprisonment, which was founded beside the ashes of burned “witches” of the Inquisition, to discipline body and spirit, coincides with the beginning of the capitalist mode of production…

Right now, female detainees in Koridallos prison have launched protests (since August 26th 2016) denouncing overcrowding and demanding humane living conditions and full medical care and nutritional support for HIV-positive prisoners. We can only stand in solidarity with the struggle for dignity waged by prisoners anywhere on Earth, considering that resistance to the barbarity of incarceration is an integral part of social and class struggles taking place everywhere.

AGAINST THE RESTRUCTURING, TIGHTENING OF SECURITY, AND PRIVATIZATION OF PRISONS

THE ROAD TO FREEDOM PASSES OVER THE DEBRIS OF EVERY PRISON

September 9th 2016

Apertus squat
Free social space in Agrinio
apertus.squat.gr

Greece: Solidarity with prison rebels against slavery & white supremacy in America and beyond

On August 4th 2016, an info event was held at Themistokleous 58 squat in Exarchia (Athens), with the participation of Contra Info translation counter-info network and ABC Solidarity Cell, where a comrade from Portland ABC discussed details about the US wide mobilization against prison slavery and white supremacy on the 45th anniversary of the Attica prison rebellion (September 9th–13th 1971). Check out an interview on Radiofragmata web radio, as well as the recordings of the presentation during that event, here. (You can also hear another conversation, with the same comrade from Portland ABC, aired September 4th 2016 on The Final Straw.)

On August 25th, anarchist communist Tasos Theofilou, currently incarcerated in Koridallos prison (Athens), released a text explaining what September 9th mobilization in the US is all about. Excerpt from his writing: “Since 2010 there have been a number of mobilizations in US prisons, from hunger strikes and work stoppages to rebellions, for either elimination of solitary confinement or betterment of prison conditions, or the improvement of working conditions and remuneration.”

On September 5th, a meeting took place at the Polytechnic School in Exarchia, called for by the Solidarity Assembly for Political Prisoners & Imprisoned and Prosecuted Fighters. A new Athens-based assembly was formed to support the US prison strike. It was decided to release a poster in Greek and English, hold a PA’s gathering outside Koridallos prisons, and make a call for two days of solidarity action across Greece, between 16th and 17th September.

On September 8th, ABC Solidarity Cell published a statement regarding “US Prisons – The Dark Side of Slavery in American Society”. Excerpt from their text: “We are willing to manifest our solidarity in every possible way with US prison inmates throughout the duration of their struggle. In this direction, we call every collective, every cell of Anarchist Black Cross internationally, but also whoever wishes to support in their own way, to coordinate our forces on an International Solidarity Day that will be a point of reference for the international solidarity movement to supporting this struggle and will provide an opportunity for further intensification of our actions in the coming period. We propose this day to be October 1st. We consider the prospects, stakes and legacies that this particular struggle in US prisons may create to be an open challenge for every fighter who wants to contribute to waging an internationalized and coordinated struggle inside and outside prisons against modern slavery and the economic dictatorship of multinationals. Solidarity and strength to the struggle of prisoners in US prisons! Struggle is the only prospect of living with dignity! Fire to the prisons!”

On September 9th, the Urban Guerrilla Cell of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire FAI/FRI, namely Christos Tsakalos, Gerasimos Tsakalos, Giorgos Polidoros and Olga Ekonomidou, anarchists incarcerated in Koridallos prisons, released a revolutionary statement titled “Gentlemen, the Dragon Will Fly Out” in support of the US prison mobilization as of September 9th, and in memory of Jonathan P. Jackson, George L. Jackson, and Attica prison rebels. Excerpt from their writing: “In every part of the Earth, prisons are a monument of people’s enslavement. Prisons are the most concentrated form of tyranny; the face of Power, without any makeup; the punitive nature of democracy; the vengeful sense of its justice. Every attack, every act of rebellion, every mobilization that disturbs the operation of prisons is a kick in the guts of oppression. It challenges its omnipotence, within its own walls. Certainly, the September 9th mobilization against slavery in US prisons may not be the anarchist utopia of freedom we wish for, but it can be a pebble in the pond that creates small ripples in the water. And oftentimes these ripples precede the outbreak of an enormous tide…”

On September 9th, some anarchist prisoners in the 4th wing of Koridallos men’s prison published a collective writing in support of the US prison strike. Excerpt from their text: “We know how hard it is to fight capitalism there where it’s most powerful, in the US; we also know that depriving it of a part of its profits is the only thing that can inflict substantial damage. That’s why this prisoner strike is so important. That’s why we send our solidarity and greetings to the rebellious dignity of prisoners in the US.” (Full text translation here.)

On Friday evening September 9th, the newly formed Assembly of Solidarity with the Struggle of Prisoners against Slavery, alongside other anarchist supporters from Athens, held a noise demo in the proximity of Koridallos prisons to spread the word about the mobilization in US prisons, but also in solidarity with all inmates in Koridallos women’s facility, who are protesting the deplorable prison conditions since August 26th. During the action comrades unfurled banners reading: “Solidarity with the struggle of US prison inmates against slavery” and “From Koridallos to Lucasville, fight against prison slavery”.

On Friday night September 9th, ABC Solidarity Cell hung a banner at the gate of the Polytechnic School, on Patission Street (downtown Athens), reading: “Solidarity with the struggle of prisoners in the US as of September 9th – We are not made by history; we create history”.

In Agrinio (western Greece), comrades of Apertus squat expressed their solidarity with the US prison mobilization, as well as with inmates at Koridallos women’s prison: “(…) resistance to the barbarity of incarceration is an integral part of social and class struggles taking place everywhere; against the restructuring, tightening of security, and privatization of prisons; the road to freedom passes over the debris of every prison.” (Full text translation here.)

Now is the time for uncompromising complicity with prison rebels in the US, Mexico, and all over the world!

Greece: Update on the recently arrested comrades Kostas Sakkas and Marios Seisidis

“Strength to the comrades Sakkas and Seisidis – Nothing is over – The struggle for revolution and Anarchy continues” (paper-banner by Terra Incognita squat in Thessaloniki, Greece)

On August 17th 2016, Kostas Sakkas and Marios Seisidis stood trial in Athens concerning the circumstances of their arrest in Sparta (August 4th).

During the trial, which lasted several hours, there was a constant presence of comrades in solidarity with Marios Seisidis and Kostas Sakkas, who stated to the court that they are anarchists and explained their reasons for becoming fugitives from the law. Both denied the charges and exposed the lies of the prosecution witnesses (three cops). The prosecutor stated that, based on the beliefs of the two accused alone, there is sufficient evidence that they committed a punishable act. Marios Seisidis was sentenced to 32 months in prison for using forged ID card and vehicle registration plates, stealing a vehicle and resisting authority; Kostas Sakkas was sentenced to 33 months for the same offenses, and also received a 200 euros fine for traffic violation.

Kostas Sakkas is now held in Koridallos prison (Athens), and Marios Seisidis is currently incarcerated in Malandrino prison (Phocis).

[Athens] CCF escape case trial: Statement of Athena Tsakalou to the court

Below is the statement of Athena Tsakalou (the mother of CCF anarchist prisoners Christos Tsakalos and Gerasimos Tsakalos) which was read out in Koridallos prison court by her defense lawyer in late June 2016, while the CCF escape case trial was still underway.

I haven’t chosen silence, even though it expresses me on many occasions because everyone interprets silence as it suits them. I’ve preferred to make this personal statement. And I call it personal because I don’t belong anywhere; I only belong to myself.

There comes a moment when you take a look back at the years in your life, and you realise you’ve left to live far fewer than the years you’ve already lived; that is, if everything goes well. And this is a strange but intense sensation, which makes me ask myself to be sincere. Not in the simple way we often think about it, but in an essential, deeper way.

I don’t like to say: where is this world going? It’s something that we – people at an older age – often do, but such a phrase conceals some sort of innocence that I refuse to accept. I prefer to ask myself: how do you yourself walk through this world?

And the truth is that all I want is to walk among people in a consolatory manner. It’s very important to be able to console people, especially your own people; to be able to tell them when they’re going through tough times: I’m standing by you; I’ll always stick with you. Nothing else. This is my only desire, and I’m glad whenever I’m able to do that.

So when Angeliki knocked on the door of my home, that’s exactly what I did. And it was a great pleasure for me that I was able to offer her refuge, even if only for a short while. The way the world is, the only place I want to live in is the place of defiance.

Assuming that, throughout the centuries, people have intended to live, if not a life of happiness, at least a joyful life, their history to date shows that they’ve failed. History books, either the official, inspected ones, or the secret ones that it’s hard to come by, show that people have failed. It may be that the conditions for survival or living standards got better – although ‘better’ is relative, as this is not the case in some parts of the earth – but the pain, the horror of wars, of hunger and oppression continue to rise.

Of course there’s a difference; a nightmarish difference. Nowadays, death is no longer caused just by hand-to-hand combat on the battlefields where, even from a distance determined by a firearm, you’re able to see the falling body and hear the cry of pain, and regardless of how much dehumanised you’ve become, this sight and sound leaves a peculiar imprint within you that, at some point, might make you not want war anymore. On today’s battlefields, we find ourselves in the era of smart bombs, and one is able to retain ‘their innocence’ by pressing a button which brings mass death; that’s the difference.

For some time now, more than 10,000 refugee children who were travelling unaccompanied have disappeared in Europe over the past 18–24 months. There are fears that many of them have fallen victim to exploitation by organised crime networks…

The world’s 62 richest people hold as much wealth as half the population on the planet…

The earth’s products are enough to feed its entire population, yet millions of people, millions of children die of hunger.

Some very few, like these 62 wealthiest people in the world, might say: ‘all this stuff about a joyful life is nothing but a trap set for the many to be lured into it, because the whole deal with the world is a game, a game of death. It’s not just the money that matters; besides, we have plenty of that; what really matters is the ability to use our power to play games with the entire world; all of a sudden, to drive thousands of people to death; to scare entire populations with wars, famine and diseases when we’re bored; because that’s also up to us, to cause diseases, thanks to scientists. In some sense, we’re a kind of gods; and gods are always almighty.’

And this is true, but it’s also true that there are no gods without believers. Gods cannot just live all by themselves; they want their faithful to walk quietly around their gardens, ready to execute their orders – all of their orders, even if it means killing one another. However, there are always those whose blood is resided by the first rebellion of Eve and Adam.

And it’s about time we said: after so much human blood watering the earth’s soil every day, after all this lament filling the earth’s air, if there’s no change of course for the human species, if the human mind isn’t crossed by a lightning at some point, so that we see everything differently… then indeed it’d be a brave decision if people eventually said: ‘for so many centuries, we’ve been unable to find joy; we might as well admit that as a species we aren’t capable of something like this; we might as well admit our failure and leave calmly; let us be the last of the humans; let us admit that only trees deserve life, continuity, eternity as they’re free of the instinct of war, of horror.’

Lately all I want to do is plant trees. And someone might ask me: but is this truly your deepest desire? No, I haven’t done well; I’m still determined by the ability to see as far as my eye can see, to keep my mind off things by taking pleasure in small joys; but when I open the eye of my mind to a worldwide wandering, a worldwide looking, and I see how small a share joy has in people’s lives, I say once more: if the dream doesn’t enter people’s lives, if there’s no change of course for the human species, only trees deserve continuity, life, eternity.

Athena Tsakalou

Koridallos prison, Athens: Summary of sentences in the CCF escape case trial

On July 8th 2016, the Koridallos prison court – presided over by special judge Asimina Yfanti – convicted all members of the anarchist revolutionary organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, who were accused of placing an explosive device at Koridallos tax office; sending a parcel bomb to the police station in Itea (in retaliation for the murder of inmate Ilir Kareli by prison guards); sending a letter bomb to the home of Dimitris Mokkas (special appellate judge against terrorism); planning an armed escape from Koridallos prison (dubbed “Gorgopotamos project”); and possession of firearms, explosives and anti-tank RPGs with the purpose of “disrupting the country’s social, economic and political life.” Furthermore, in relation to these charges, they were convicted of “direction of a terrorist organisation” and incitement (“moral instigation”) to four attempted homicides.

During the sentencing, there was a strong presence of comrades in solidarity with the anarchists and the dignified individuals co-accused in the CCF escape case trial. There was also heavy police presence (including an anti-riot squad).

CCF members:

The ten CCF anarchist prisoners Gerasimos Tsakalos, Christos Tsakalos, Giorgos Polidoros, Olga Ekonomidou, Theofilos Mavropoulos, Panagiotis Argirou, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, Michalis Nikolopoulos, Damiano Bolano, Haris Hadjimihelakis were sentenced to 115 years in prison each.

Comrade Angeliki Spyropoulou:

The anarchist prisoner Angeliki Spyropoulou was sentenced to 28 years in prison.

Relatives of CCF members:

Athena Tsakalou (the mother of CCF members Gerasimos Tsakalos and Christos Tsakalos) and Evi Statiri (the partner of Gerasimos Tsakalos) were found not guilty by a majority opinion (instead of a unanimous verdict).

However, Christos Polidoros (the brother of CCF member Giorgos Polidoros) was convicted of “membership in the terrorist organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” and received a 6-year suspended sentence.

Other prison sentences & a couple of acquittals:

Christos Rodopoulos (nicknamed “Iasonas” by authorities), who has denied all charges, was sentenced to 75 years in prison.

Christodoulos Xiros (convicted 17N member) was sentenced to 65 years in prison.

Four other defendants were convicted of alleged membership in the organisation and sentenced to 27-28 years in prison each.

Fabio Dusko was sentenced to 8 years in prison.

Four other defendants were acquitted of membership in the organisation but received a 6-year suspended sentence.

Two other defendants were found guilty of misdemeanor offenses.

Two defendants were found not guilty.

in German, Italian

Volos, Greece: June 11th flyposting

In the context of June 11th, international day of solidarity with anarchist prisoners, the Assembly of Anarchists for the Solidarity Inside and Outside the Walls pasted large posters across the city of Volos (central Greece).

Click images to read the slogans (in English & Greek).

FROM KORIDALLOS PRISONS IN GREECE, TO THE FIES UNITS IN SPAIN; AND FROM FREIBURG PRISON IN GERMANY, TO FMC CARSWELL IN THE U.S.; FREEDOM FOR CAPTIVE ANARCHISTS; FIRE TO EVERY PRISON; JUNE 11TH, INTERNATIONAL DAY OF SOLIDARITY WITH ANARCHIST PRISONERS.

Strength to the imprisoned members of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – No prosecution against relatives of political prisoners – Revolutionary action will walk over Asimina Yfanti [the judge who presides over the CCF escape case trial] and every judge – June 11th, International day of solidarity with anarchist prisoners

via Athens IMC

Koridallos prison: Searches of cells and ‘ghosting’ of dozens of prisoners

April 18th 2016 | Updates via Athens IMC:

Last night, shortly after midnight, the EKAM special suppressive antiterrorist unit and other police forces raided the 1st and the 4th wing of Koridallos men’s prison.

At least 150 cops, along with judicial functionaries and representatives of the justice ministry, conducted raids in the cells of all prisoners in those wings. Inmates were handcuffed behind their backs and didn’t have any visual contact with the cells during the searches, while several prisoners were beaten.

In the early hours of the morning, the EKAM special suppressive antiterrorist unit came back and violently abducted anarchist prisoners Panos Michalakoglou, Panos Aspiotis and Antonis Stamboulos, who were moved to the Prisoner Transfer Division on Petrou Ralli St., Athens. Later, dozens more inmates were ‘ghosted’ as well. The prison remained on lockdown until 11am.

According to latest info, Panos Michalakoglou is to be transferred to Nigrita prison (near Serres, northern Greece); Panos Aspiotis to Nafplion prison; and Antonis Stamboulos to Larissa prison.

Saturday 23rd April: Day of solidarity with 22 anarchists that stand trial before the appeals court in Koridallos prison

A few words about the appeal’s trial of 22 anarchists on April 20th 2016

The Conspiracy of Cells of Fire case – the judicial, legal and repressive moves of the State in regard to this anarchist organisation – spreads over a period of 7 years and is still underway.

As of April 20th 2016, after 7 years (since the first arrests in 2009), 22 anarchist comrades stand trial in the second instance in Koridallos prison, Athens. In the CCF appeal’s trial, other cases will be tried as well – dubbed “CCF cases” by the police-judicial complex, to give gigantic proportions to their judicial coup against anarchists.

The appeal’s trial that starts April 20th concerns the following:
i) the Halandri case (three trials in the first instance);
ii) the sending of parcel bombs in November 2010;
iii) the arrests in Nea Smyrni, Athens in December 2010;
iv) the capture of five CCF members in Volos in March 2011;
v) the shootout with police in Pefki, Athens in May 2011; and
vi) the arrests for the double robbery in Velventos, Kozani in February 2013.

In yet another judicial innovation, not only comrades that were tried in first instance as alleged members of the organisation and the CCF members themselves will undergo the same appeal’s trial, but also the six accused in the Velventos robbery case: Nikos Romanos, Yannis Michailidis, Dimitris Politis, Andreas-Dimitris Bourzoukos (who’ve claimed responsibility for the double robbery), Argyris Ntalios and Fivos Charisis (who’ve denied their involvement). In the first instance, these six comrades were fully acquitted of alleged involvement in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, so their case doesn’t even fall within the infamous 187A “antiterrorist” law.

But the significance of this police-judicial innovation is not just a simple merging of seemingly and practically unrelated cases. If we take a look at the accusatory dossiers, we can easily understand what’s going on and, most of all, why this is happening.

To defend comrades who’ve been captured for their acts and discourse – as the comrades who’ve claimed responsibility for the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – or comrades who’ve been targeted by the State’s repressive operations, is a precondition for continuing and promoting a battle currently underway. In this battle against Power, joint action with comrades who’ve been imprisoned, persecuted or vilified doesn’t only aim at the liberation of hostages and the release of captive comrades from prison. It is, furthermore, a logic of “not leaving anyone behind”, thereby strengthening the integrity of the struggle. So that we fighters bring the prisoners back in our ranks; so that we nourish and intensify the war against the establishment.

A solidarity-based combative stance next to comrades who are incarcerated or prosecuted is yet another field of conflict with the State and its mechanisms.

Solidarity gathering in the courtroom of Koridallos prison
Wednesday 20th April at 9am

International day of solidarity actions with the 22 anarchists that stand trial
Saturday 23rd April

Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters
(Athens, Greece)

call-out in Greek

Koridallos prisons: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence

Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial

The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe.

Revolutionary Struggle has proven that it has remained standing over the years, despite successive repressive blows and sacrifices: the blood of comrade Lambros Foundas, who was killed on March 10th 2010 in a shootout with police in the district of Dafni, Athens, during a preparatory action of the organisation; our arrests a month later, April 10th 2010, on the eve of Greece’s signing of the first memorandum; my arrest on July 16th 2014 in Monastiraki, Athens, where I was injured following a chase and shootout with police. Revolutionary Struggle remained standing because we undertook political responsibility for our participation in the organisation – in Greece, we were the first armed revolutionary and anarchist organisation to do so – and because we defended our history, the organisation’s actions and our comrade Lambros Foundas, who gave his life so that the memorandum wouldn’t pass; to turn the crisis into an opportunity for social revolution. We remained standing as an organisation because we didn’t mind paying the cost and price, because we didn’t turn ourselves into betrayers or deserters, because none of us tried to save one’s own skin at the moment of repression. It’s precisely because we claimed political responsibility that we stayed alive as an organisation in prison in 2010–11. We gave a political battle against the enemy in the 1st special court. Once released from prison after 18 months in pretrial detention, we chose not to surrender ourselves to imminent imprisonment and went underground instead, to continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity.

The attack of Revolutionary Struggle – Commando Lambros Foundas on April 10th 2014 against the Bank of Greece, a branch of the ECB – one of the most popularly-hated organisations that make up the quartet of supranational bosses – but also a building that housed the office of the IMF’s permanent representative in Greece, annulled the 2010 repressive operation, and continued the organisation’s strategy that was launched in 2009 with the attacks on Citibank’s headquarters and one of its branches, a Eurobank’s branch and the Athens Stock Exchange. For years Revolutionary Struggle is faced with the spearhead of state repression, since the issue of dealing with the organisation and generally armed revolutionary activity is a major priority for the survival of the establishment, seeking to eliminate the internal enemy for the smooth enforcement and implementation of bailout programs, which constitute policies of social genocide and cleansing of parts of the population.

In 2007, the U.S. Department of State and the Greek State placed bounties of 1 million dollars and 800 thousand euros, respectively, after the organisation’s attack with an anti-tank RPG at the U.S. Embassy in Athens. In 2010, the Papandreou government celebrated our arrests, and a government official stated that they prevented a blow that would end the economy, on the eve of the signing of the first memorandum and amid fear of Greek economy’s collapse. In 2014, after we had gone into clandestinity and had been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment by the 1st special court, the Samaras government placed a bounty of 2 million euros on our heads – one million on comrade Roupa and another million on me. My arrest, three months after Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Bank of Greece, was celebrated by Greek authorities. U.S. officials congratulated them on my recapture and made statements on political stability. Special measures were implemented after my arrest and, in December 2014, I was transferred to the newly-inaugurated type C maximum security prison, this being the first such transfer of a political prisoner, already preannounced since my recapture. In April 2015, I was included in the list of “international terrorists” designated by State Department, even though I was in prison. The authorities have now unleashed a manhunt to arrest comrade Roupa. All this demonstrates that combating Revolutionary Struggle holds great significance for the establishment. That is, repression against Revolutionary Struggle and implementation of memoranda, together with the establishment’s political stability, go hand in hand.

Last link in the chain of the establishment’s repression against Revolutionary Struggle is the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation, a few days after the prison escape attempt. I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for two expropriations of bank branches and shooting of cops who persecuted me in Monastiraki. The imposition of the severest possible sentence for the organisation’s attack against the country’s bosses is a conscious political decision and not just a procedural exaggeration. As I have already stated, this decision aims not to terrorise me – because they know I am and will remain unrepentant – but those who’ll want to opt for armed struggle, comrades of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu and other fighters within society. This political decision – applied for the first time in Greece in regard to a bombing attack which took place following a phone call warning, causing no injuries, but only material damages – is aimed at multiple recipients and sends out an intimidation message, that fighters who’ll opt for armed revolutionary activity will be treated with the utmost severity.

This decision demonstrates the establishment’s increasingly harshening stance against their number one enemy – Revolutionary Struggle, armed fighters. It’s not difficult to understand why, at a time when the SYRIZA-led government has voted the third memorandum, which is harsher than the previous ones. The big difference between penal treatment in the 1st and the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trials may give rise to misinterpretations; I would therefore like to point out the following: Since the enactment of anti-terrorism laws in 2001 and 2004, this special legislation constitutes a political choice of Power in order to deal as effectively as possible with urban guerrilla in Greece as a major threat to the establishment. A provision in the anti-terrorism legislation allows life sentence, not for homicide, but for explosion as a result of which there was danger to humans or an injury occurred. I was sentenced to life in prison under this provision. Special court decisions in trials against armed fighters are eminently political decisions; the elements in the accusatory dossier are often of secondary importance. For example, as demonstrated during court hearings of the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle in regard to the organisation’s attack against the Bank of Greece, even though there was a phone call giving 50 minutes warning before the explosion, the security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the Bank of Greece’s security supervisor. The security supervisor himself admitted there’s a standard regulation which obliges the security staff to stay inside the building despite the threat of explosion. The same happened at Piraeus Bank’s headquarters located opposite the Bank of Greece, where security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the bank’s head of security. As demonstrated in the 1st trial against the organisation, the same also happened on September 2nd 2009 in Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Athens Stock Exchange building, where security staff stayed inside as ordered by the head of security.

It’s thus demonstrated that those who are responsible for causing danger to humans are the executives of the economic Power and establishment’s mechanisms and central structures, such as banks and the stock exchange, who consider people and entire populations to be expendable; even the security officers of their facilities. Because, for them, their profits override everything; their profits, which are dipped in blood and misery, override human life itself. These are the mechanisms that the Greek people consider responsible for the policy implemented over the last six years, which has resulted in thousands of deaths and millions of poor, destitute and hungry people. These are the mechanisms whose executives (bankers, major shareholders, big businesspeople) alongside their subordinates (politicians of Greek governments) the Greek people consider responsible for the devaluation of life of millions of people, for suicides and pauperisation; not the fighters of Revolutionary Struggle. Revolutionary Struggle’s attacks against such mechanisms and structures are to a great extent popularly and socially accepted.

In both the 1st and 2nd trial against the organisation, I have been consistent in facing the enemy at special courts. This entails the undertaking of political responsibility, the political defense of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, armed struggle and Revolution for the overthrow of the State and Capital, without counting the cost and the price. This is the duty of every fighter, every anarchist, every revolutionary who is faced with judges and organs of the enemy. The sentence to 50 years imprisonment in the 1st trial was based on the undertaking of political responsibility. This is why we were convicted as accomplices in the organisation’s 16 actions by the theorem of collective responsibility, rather than being convicted as actual perpetrators. The State’s response to the fact I remain consistent in my trajectory as a fighter and continue to defend Revolutionary Struggle, and by extension armed struggle and the prospect of Revolution and the establishment’s overthrow, was the outcome of the 2nd trial, where I was sentenced to life imprisonment for one action, the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece. My entire trajectory after the initial arrests in 2010, the fact that Revolutionary Struggle stayed alive during the pretrial detention in 2010–11, the fact that comrade Roupa and I defended the organisation’s activity at the 1st special court, our choice to not surrender ourselves to prison, to go into clandestinity and continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity with the attack against the Bank of Greece, this entire trajectory and all these choices are based on the undertaking of political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle after being captured in 2010. This is what the State attempted to crash by means of the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation.

My sentence of life in prison was a message to the fighters who assume political responsibility and do not repudiate their activity and membership in their organisation.

Things are becoming increasingly clearer for the fighters who want to resist and the political prisoners. The dilemma “repudiation or life imprisonment” (in the old days there was execution by firing squad) comes into effect; a dilemma put by Power, a dilemma that in the old days was “repudiation or death”.

Over time, in order to suppress any revolutionary perspective, the State doesn’t confine itself to military predominance over its rivals only, but it also attempts their political defeat by forcing them into political repudiation. In the case of the Western-European urban guerrilla in the 70s and 80s, especially in Italy, the target of political repudiation was not one’s convictions or political identity, but rather armed struggle as being one of the means of struggle and urban guerrilla organisations. In Greece, the dilemma put by Power was once this: either repudiation of communism, or imprisonment and, in other circumstances, execution by firing squad. Nowadays, more indirectly, the dilemma is this: either choice of armed revolutionary struggle with heavy costs and consequences, or renunciation of armed revolutionary struggle as being one of the means of struggle. Either undertaking of political responsibility for one’s participation in an armed organisation and defense of its activity, or acceptance of the State’s pursuit of repudiation of an armed organisation and one’s membership in it, and by extension of armed struggle, in the face of fear of going to prison.

In other, more difficult periods like the Occupation and the Civil War, the price to pay for the struggle was the firing squad; and not only for armed struggle. Many fighters faced with the dilemma “repudiation or death” preferred the firing squad; of course not because they wanted to become martyrs, but because they believed that repudiation is a shame and disgrace; as such, it was considered worse than death. There were armed militants and guerrillas of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army) and DSE (Democratic Army of Greece), but also fighters that didn’t wage armed struggle, who remained unrepentant and were sent by thousands to the firing squad during the Occupation and the Civil War; they were executed in Goudi, in Kessariani shooting range, in Chaidari and Pavlou Mela camps, on Makronissos and Corfu, in Yedi Kule. Similarly in Spain, after Franco’s victory, thousands of armed anarchists who fought for Revolution in 1936–39, and waged guerrilla warfare until 1975, were sent to firing squads in Campo de la Bota, Montjuïc, Carabanchel, or strangled by the method of garrote – used as a means of execution for heretics since the Inquisition.

The struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital is an activity that requires unwavering convictions, responsibility, consistency, commitment, political engagement, steely will, and political and theoretical knowledge of principles and experiences of the historical revolutionary tradition. How can we even talk about struggle, social liberation, revolution, Anarchy, asking others to participate in a subversive struggle with all the costs and consequences that it entails, if we ourselves are unable to assume responsibility for our political choices?

For the first time in decades – since the era of the post-Civil War State, when ELAS guerrillas who were excluded by the 1945 Treaty of Varkiza, which didn’t recognise their activity as being political, as well as those of DSE remained in prison for at least 15 years – there is a prospect that political prisoners sentenced to 25 years or life imprisonment for armed revolutionary action will remain many years in the prisons of the contemporary Greek State-marionette of the supranational economic elite. We’re going through a period where Power is even indirectly trying to pose dilemmas for educing credentials once again, as in the past, to break us with the spectre of long-term incarceration.

The struggle for Social Revolution, for overthrowing the State and Capital, must go on despite the difficulties, the cost and consequences. We will never surrender the weapons of our struggle.

NO PEACE, NO TRUCE WITH THE STATE AND CAPITAL

ARMED STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS,
MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle

in Portuguese | Turkish via isyandan.org

Paris: Law, work, prison – destroy them!

Published March 18th:

These last weeks 8 ATMs were sabotaged by various means (hammer, expanding foam, extinguisher) in the north of Paris.

Instead of complaining alongside social partners (the guards of the revolt), destroy that which destroys us! No need for demos!

The “labour law”, we couldn’t give a shit, we just want to break everything!

Solidarity with the anarchists of Koridallos.

in Greek

[Greece] Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison

Below is the first part of the comrade’s long letter; originally published in Greek on Athens IMC (March 8th 2016).
Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.

On February 21st [2016], I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.

A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?

He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.

Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.

Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.

He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.

Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.

Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.

This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.

As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June [2015]. With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.

In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.

In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.

Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.

I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.

This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.

THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE

[…]

I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
member of Revolutionary Struggle

German | French | Portuguese | Italian via Croce Nera Anarchica

Athens: Prison sentences in the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle

On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.

Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).

Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.

Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.

Athens: CCF escape case trial set for February 15th 2016

February 15th: Trial date for the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire escape plan – Prosecution against relatives of political prisoners

The trial concerning the plan of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades to escape from Koridallos prisons has been set for February 15th. A total of 28 people are accused in this trial. Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades have taken responsibility for the escape plan from the outset, defending their choice as a means to continue anarchist struggle.

However, this time the judicial mafia has experimented on our comrades by applying an insidious and vengeful blackmail against them.

In addition to making the heaviest possible indictment against several of the accused, whose relation with Conspiracy of Cells of Fire members was solely limited to friendly contacts, they’ve prepared new guillotines.

The inquisitor Eftichis Nikopoulos (special appellate judge against terrorism) and the judicial councils that followed, have also put forward for trial relatives of political prisoners: Athena Tsakalou (the mother of CCF members Gerasimos Tsakalos and Christos Tsakalos), Evi Statiri (the partner of Gerasimos), and Christos Polidoros (the brother of CCF member Giorgos Polidoros), on charges of “membership in the terrorist organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire”!!!

Athena Tsakalou and Evi Statiri were originally remanded in March 2015, and then broke out of captivity.

Athena was released a month after her arrest, following the hunger strike of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire members and anarchist comrade Angeliki Spyropoulou. Six months later, Evi was also released from prison, following the hunger strike undertaken by her and her partner Gerasimos Tsakalos.

During the two hunger strikes, a multifaceted movement developed against the judicial coup, expressing solidarity by means of gatherings, banner drops, occupation of buildings, acts of sabotage and incendiary attacks…

Nevertheless, after the release of Athena and Evi, the solidarity movement gained half a victory.

Judge-executioners “granted” them a crippled freedom. Athena was exiled to Salamis Island, and Evi is restricted to one kilometer from her home by a “freedom distance-meter”.

At the same time, they have been prohibited from any communication with their relatives, thus isolating them behind invisible grids.

We see this strategy of Power of isolating political prisoners being broadened, as is the case with the recent visitation ban against Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis [whose friend and comrade was recently prohibited from visiting him in prison].

Similarly, the judicial mafia continues its sorcery against relatives of political prisoners, having remanded Maria Theofilou [the partner of Giorgos Petrakakos, as well as sister of imprisoned anarchist Tasos Theofilou].

On February 15th, Power will once again try to erect its guillotines against relatives of political prisoners.

They’ve made their intentions crystal clear by now. According to the accusatory dossier, which is over 10,000 pages, they’ve chosen to call only 20 witnesses to the stand (half of whom are anti-terrorist police officers), with the purpose of fast-tracking proceedings; it seems convictions have already been issued…

February 15th marks the beginning of a new wager for people in struggle, negators of Power, people in solidarity… Our wager is to nullify the Power’s vindictive plans, stand side by side with the comrades, and continue what we’ve started… To subvert the judicial coup and stand against the prosecution of political prisoners’ relatives.

Because this trial prefigures future persecutions. What is being tested today against relatives of political prisoners, tomorrow will be tested against friends, people in solidarity, people in struggle…

For this reason and all the reasons in this world, once again we are preparing to venture into new battles against the laws of cops, judges and the Power’s priesthood.

Our quiver contains many arrows, such as the recent memory of gestures against the fascist persecutions of political prisoners’ relatives, but also the fresh traces of actions for Black December, that have strayed from the silent paths of social peace.

In the face of challenges posed by the State and judicial mafia, we respond with the challenge of insurrectionist action. With the trial on February 15th as a point of encounter, to oppose the persecution of relatives, let’s make this New Year beginning our own restart – with international call-outs, assemblies, counter-information, demonstrations, occupations, acts of sabotage, attacks – for the complete overthrow of the existent. With not even a single moment wasted.

“Stone, iron, wood can be broken… but it is impossible to break a determined human being with a conscience.”

Solidarity with Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades and anarchist Angeliki Spyropoulou

Against the prosecution of political prisoners’ relatives
(Christos Polidoros, Athena Tsakalou, Evi Statiri)

in Greek

Koridallos prison court: Trial statement by Giorgos Petrakakos

On September 24th 2015, Giorgos Petrakakos – wanted for bank robberies – was arrested in the city of Volos together with his life companion Maria Theofilou (who is also the sister of imprisoned anarchist Tasos Theofilou). Both are currently held in Koridallos prisons, Athens.

On October 16th 2015, the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle began with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014, when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police; and expropriations of bank branches. The co-accused in this trial, all facing terrorism charges, are two Revolutionary Struggle members: Nikos Maziotis (imprisoned in Koridallos) and fugitive Pola Roupa; Antonis Stamboulos (remanded since October 1st 2014), who denies all charges; and Giorgos Petrakakos.

During court proceedings, Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis assumed responsibility for two bank expropriations that took place while still underground (one at the National Bank branch in Methana, and another at Piraeus Bank branch in Kleitoria, Achaea), as well as his participation in the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece (10/4/2014), and shooting of cops in Monastriraki (16/7/2014).

The second trial against Revolutionary Struggle is already close to its end, because the presiding judge has imposed fast-track proceedings – to prevent comrade Antonis Stamboulos from being released from prison before conclusion of the trial (as the pretrial detention upper limit in Greece is 18 months).

Below is the trial statement by Giorgos Petrakakos, whom the media/police have imaginatively portrayed as an “accomplice of Nikos Maziotis.”
I find myself accused because I have participated in some bank robberies.

No matter how many years of imprisonment you’ll impose upon me, I don’t understand and won’t be able to figure out why this is considered as an accusation rather than a title of honour, since banks are responsible for wiping out an entire population.

I am accused by this court for three robberies as an alleged member of Revolutionary Struggle. I am also accused, in other accusatory dossiers, for the robbery in Distomo and for aggravated possession of weapons as a member of an unknown terrorist organisation… An unknown terrorist organisation I was allegedly about to set up, or what the authorities would fantasise about… When I was caught, the anti-terrorist police accused me of and tried with various tricks to attribute my involvement in four armed organisations as well as Revolutionary Struggle. Apart from these four organisations, they’ve also allowed me an extra gift: Revolutionary Struggle.

I would not be surprised if in the coming months I’ll be accused not only for the robberies in which I did participate, but for any unsolved robbery that has occurred in Greece over the last hundred years.

I do not care at all about the sentence, and I know that the police are asking your court to convict me severely. For me, there’s no difference whether I’ll be sentenced for one robbery or three. So I’d like to explain a couple of things, not because I want to achieve a lesser sentence, but to officially testify to the truth.

I started robbing banks in 2002, but not because I liked an easy life. Besides, this kind of life is far from easy. I instinctively positioned myself against this inhumane machine that feeds itself on humans. I find this system unjust, a system that supports banks and is supported by them. I consider it violent and thieving. Robbers and terrorists are the banks. Criminals are those who support them. My decision to rob banks was my own lonely way of fighting them.

I have never organised myself in a political manner, and my contact with the anarchist milieu was and is personal and friendly relations I developed with some anarchist fighters whom I met in prison, especially from 2003 to 2006. I respect and appreciate their struggle, their selflessness and ethos. I think that they have justness on their side; however, I’ve never had any connection with any legal or illegal, unarmed or armed group or organisation. I believe also that my prosecution for participation in Revolutionary Struggle is done for communication purposes, to serve the theory for the anti-terrorist police of an allegedly operational link between “penal-code offenders and terrorists”. I was ideal for this experiment of theirs as, on the one hand, I am a bank robber – a delinquent activity, which nevertheless has social acceptance – as opposed to being, let’s say, a drug trafficker; on the other hand, it’s known that I have personal relations with some anarchists. But personal relationships and likings are entirely a different thing compared to participation in a revolutionary organisation.

To serve their own propaganda purposes, the anti-terrorist police wish to charge me with involvement in more than two revolutionary organisations, if possible.

It’s no coincidence that my name and photograph began to feature breaking news and front pages immediately after the arrest of Nikos Maziotis, portraying me as his right-hand man and other such grotesque stories, when nothing in fact connects me to him, and there’s not even a shred of evidence which can confirm such a scenario.

It doesn’t suit my nature to make declarations of law-abidingness. I proudly declare that I am a bank robber. If I was involved in Revolutionary Struggle I would declare it so and defend my choice. But I’ve consciously chosen another path in my life.

My life itself is revolutionary as I’ve chosen it to be, as I’ve created it myself, through my choices in staying out of the automated lifestyle.

Furthermore, I have not participated in all the robberies I’m charged with. Even if I wanted to, it would be practically impossible to have done as many robberies as – according to accusatory documents – they try to charge me with, given the fact the ones I was involved in required several months of planning, in order to achieve the best possible result in the smoothest way, putting always the safety of citizens first, even at the expense of my own safety. In each of the robberies in which I’ve taken part not a single nostril bled, nor did I ever need to fire a single shot in the air to intimidate anyone. Those robberies were always planned in detail, and we always took all necessary measures to avoid putting anyone in danger.

The accusatory dossier before your eyes is a rough mishmash of police media releases and nothing more. Of the facts I am accused in this trial, I admit my participation in the Eurobank branch robbery in Akrata [Achaea], even though the evidence you hold is in fact inadequate if not non-existent.

I will not give further information and won’t answer your questions.

Athens: New Year’s Eve at Koridallos prisons

The poster reads:

The prison door opens, and now he knows what to do; keep the memory alive, leave no space for oblivion, never forget the comrades left behind, pick up the thread of insurgency from where it was interrupted, pour the poison of insubordination into the reproduction networks of the capitalist society.
For lasting anarchist insurgency!
No truce with Power and its puppets!
For a Black December!

CHANGE OF YEAR AT KORIDALLOS PRISONS
THURSDAY 31st DECEMBER 2015 at 23:00

Anarchists Inside and Outside the Koridallos Walls
_

in German | banner & full text of the call-out in Greek, Spanish and Portuguese; Black December was just the beginning…

Koridallos prisons: A writing by CCF member Panagiotis Argirou on the occasion of the nearing end of the Phoenix Project trial

TO ALL COMRADES WHOSE ACTS HAVE GIVEN ME MOMENTS OF FREEDOM

“Only in those moments when our tension for freedom encounters with praxis do we really manage to live anarchy, here and now. Unfortunately the dream we carry in our hearts is too great to avoid the risk of finding ourselves up against the monstrous wall of authority raised in defense of the state and capital. When we really put our life at stake, inevitably we end up confronting the hardness that’s inherent in the struggle: death and prison.”
Nicola Gai; anarchist comrade held prisoner in Italy, who has assumed responsibility for his participation in the attack claimed by Olga Cell of FAI-FRI (the shooting of Roberto Adinolfi, the chief executive of Ansaldo Nucleare)

Shortly before the end of the trial of the 4th consecutive case against the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, and against me personally as an anarchist who has assumed responsibility for his participation in the CCF, I’d like to say some things not to the court, but rather to all comrades whose action gave impetus and substance to the Phoenix Project.

For obvious reasons, all imprisoned members of the CCF saluted the comrades of Sole–Baleno Cell (a cell of sympraxis between Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and Consciousness Gangs), a gesture which initially cost us our prosecution for incitement [in Greek, moral instigation] to 4 Acts of the Phoenix Project: explosive attack on personal vehicle of the Koridallos prison director in Athens, explosive attack on personal vehicle of a chief warden serving at Nafplion prison, incendiary attack on a hotel unit in Indonesia, and parcel-bomb mailing to a former commander of the antiterrorist police unit in Athens.

The competent authorities realised in hindsight that the accusation of inciting the attack in Indonesia, claimed by Anger Unit/International Conspiracy for Revenge FAI/IRF, would never stand up in court, so the particular charges were dropped even before the stage of court proceedings.

However, as far as the other attacks are concerned, I am offended by the incitement charges brought against me, because as an anarchist I abhor hierarchical relationships of any level; on the other hand, these charges help me understand that domination feels threatened when anarchist guerillas, even from a position of captivity, seek to make their mark and connect with the struggle outside the prison walls by saluting the hostilities waged by their comrades. Domination feels threatened when it realises that the condition of incarceration is not nearly enough to crush the combative energy of anarchist prisoners. This alone is enough for entire indictments for incitement to attacks to be drafted. In no case, however, is it enough to break my morale and my will to connect myself with all comrades holding a combative position.

Therefore, on the occasion of the end of this trial, I’d like to salute afresh the beloved comrades that have set the Conspiracy of the Black International of anarchists of praxis in motion everywhere, all over the Earth, through all the attacks claimed as part of the Phoenix Project: from Chile to Russia, and from Germany to Indonesia.

Thus, instead of an apologia before the judges, I choose to send from inside my prison cell a flaming hug to all those who have opted to attack and who have armed Anarchy with fire and gunpowder.

Every single activity, every single action gave me strength and illuminated my heart with the flame of anarchist insurgency.

From the country of captivity, I felt every single comrade close to me who’ve undermined social normalcy in every possible way from the trenches of conspiratorial attack.

The momentum that manifested itself in the Phoenix Project has left a significant legacy that, studying its impact, made me realise the new prospects of struggle opened up for Anarchy when it overcomes borders and distances and chooses to clash frontally with domination on the basis of Informal Organisation.

It was one of those important elements that prompted me to contribute again to a fresh proposal for a new position in anarchist combat through the call for a Black December, a call I made jointly with anarchist comrade Nikos Romanos.

I believe the prospects that were opened up by the Phoenix Project, and the informal coordination of anarchist direct action internationally, can evolve into something more threatening to Power if they encounter with the rest of the range of anarchist practices, composing together a mosaic of anarchist polymorphous action worldwide that will constantly go against Power.

So all I have to say to your Justice is that morally, politically and values-wise I find myself with all my heart in every anarchist attack against domination. If you like you can charge me with inciting to the perpetual anarchist war against every form of Power, as I do charge you with inciting to every act of authoritarian barbarity signed in the name of Justice. Nothing could give me greater satisfaction than the joyous news that a bullet was nailed to your head as a reward for your miserable life.

Long live the Phoenix Project

Long live Black December

Long live the Informal Coordination of Anarchist Polymorphous Action across the world.

Panagiotis Argirou
member of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire FAI/IRF

[December 24th 2015]

[Greek prisons] Nikos Romanos: “Requiem for a Journey of No Return”

in PDF

Below, anarchist prisoner Nikos Romanos gives his account of what preceded the assassination of Alexandros Grigoropoulos on December 6th 2008.

Received November 30th 2015:

Requiem for a Journey of No Return

Today, I will begin to speak about what should be imprinted as an authentic testimony of the soul to revolutionary memory. My own soul’s testimony concerning an incident which became the detonator for the intensification of the armed assault on the winter palaces of Power; an incident which contributed decisively to create a point of no return, for those who armed themselves and packed their suitcases with dreams and hopes for a world of freedom. I too packed such a suitcase with my hatred, along with a pair of clothes and some keepsakes, and left my home permanently [in April 2010] one day before the police came in looking for me, to handcuff me and take me to court for a testimony in the cops-murderers trial. I burned the bridges of my past life, and joined the ranks of clandestine anarchist struggle. I was then sixteen years old, but I was fully aware of my actions, and although I had a much higher moral stature than all these ridiculous weaklings who sat in that courtroom, I knew that the moment to say everything that needed to be said had not yet arrived, as it was neither the right time, nor was I really consciously ready to lift such a historical weight. That’s why I preferred to stay silent and devote myself to the war against Power, the same war in which, seven years later, I find myself held captive, yet holding the same combative position. I am now lifting this historical weight, which I temporarily avoided but never abnegated dealing with.

That trial [of the first instance] which I refused to attend but also their appeal’s trial which will follow attempt to put an end – in the form of institutional ratification – to an aspect of subversive history, an aspect that shamed democracy as it revealed the scent of death that it is dragging behind it. This particular aspect – an integral part of a history that will continue to exist as long as the oppressed will rise up against their oppressors – unfolded in the evening of December 6th 2008 at the intersection of Messolonghiou and Tzavela St. in Exarchia.

What I am about to say are in no way said to facilitate the judicial mechanisms to issue a future fair verdict. I believe in neither the laws, nor the courts, nor the prisons emerging threateningly to discipline those who deviate from the legal order, burying them alive between cement and bars.

I have the courage to believe in the strength of free humans, in the possibility of their self-determination in a world of universal subordination, in the prospect of anarchist revolution and the practice of constant anarchist insurgency.

I will begin my narrative with a view to addressing history, standing worthily before it, contributing to the creation of an untainted legacy that won’t stain the memory of our dead, and sending a guerilla signal to those who are interested in becoming actors that will shape its development accordingly. With constant struggle, with all means, with a passion for freedom and a hatred of those who maintain the new order of things, that’s painted in the blood of those who resisted its omnipotence.

The swan song for my friendship with Alexandros begins…

Alexandros and I met in school, and started to spend a lot of time together as we lived relatively close to each other. He was a person who detested the respectabilities and hypocrisy prevailing in our school environment. He was always looking to find ways to break out of this condition, and that’s how we hit it off. We came to know each other well playing truant, to escape from the routine of school boredom, going on endless walks to explore parts of the city that were unknown to us, having daily conversations and discussions about everything that puzzled us. As time passed, we continued to walk on paths of broadened pursuits and intense questioning of the world that surrounded us.

At around the age of 14, we noticed anarchists for the first time; we enjoyed watching television footage of clashes between demonstrators and police; to our immature perceptions, which we had just begun to form, this seemed as a way of resisting the everyday injustice of social inequalities. Besides, for us, who were loitering in parks and squares all day, it was not so hard to dislike police – even instinctively, one might say. We had seen cops humiliate migrants in downtown Athens; we had witnessed how offensively cops behaved towards substance-dependent and homeless people. Of course, these are things that anyone can see by taking some strolls in central Athens. The contradiction we were experiencing, however, was when we saw cops bow down and lick the dust from the feet of the rich where we were residing [in one of the wealthiest northern suburbs of Athens]. It was then that we really understood how duplicitous maggots and cowardly the whole disgusting lot of them are.

So we took the decision to go together on a demonstration [downtown] to see up close everything we had been observing from afar, of which we had developed a keen interest. And that’s what we did. I remember that the first march we had joined was that of 17th November [annual demo commemorating the 1973 Athens Polytechnic uprising] in 2007, where there had been clashes with cops, in which we too participated. Of course, we were very hesitant back then, simply following and imitating the steps of people who clashed with police. We saw up close MAT anti-riot cops savagely beating people at random, felt the asphyxiation caused by tear gases, and for the first time witnessed police repression of demonstrations. Once the march was finished we went to Exarchia, where we sat until late evening discussing the events with an enthusiasm for what had just occurred; the kind of enthusiasm felt by all people when they begin to come into contact with the authentic side of life.

An important reference point for both of us was the antifascist demonstration that took place on February 2nd 2008. It was the day that the Golden Dawn had called a rally for Imia [nationalist commemoration of the 1996 conflict between Greek and Turkish states over the Imia/Kardak islets in the Aegean Sea], and anarchists had called for a counter-demonstration aiming to clash with the fascists.

We too were there and we saw the fascists come forth from behind the lines of MAT anti-riot squads to stab comrades; we witnessed how the pigs of police coordinated their incursions with the fascists. We saw comrades being stabbed, fascists being crushed by comrades with axes and heavy wooden sticks. And, lest we forget, those who were on the fascist frontline are now members of the Greek parliament – I am referring to Elias Panagiotaros, Yannis Lagos and Elias Kasidiaris, before they disowned their past and invoked legality and democracy.

Once the clash with fascists and cops was finished, we barricaded ourselves inside the Rectorate [of Athens University in Propylaea, Panepistimiou Street, Athens] and waited there until late evening; then we all left the building together in a demonstration. That demo was attacked by cops as soon as it hit the street, and there were detentions, arrests and injuries.

Ever since that day, we hung out in Exarchia almost on a daily basis and started to make contact with others who frequented the neighbourhood. We began to read anarchist zines and pamphlets, to check up on counter-information webpages, to frequent squats like the [now-evicted] Villa Amalias squat and the Prapopoulou squat. At the same time, we took part in all demonstrations of that period concerning welfare reforms and in university students’ protests against the known Framework Act [for higher education], solely motivated by the prospect of clashes and disturbances in the streets, which we joined more willingly and determinedly each time.

During the same period, along with some other school students, we created an anarchist collective by the name anarchist attack of school students and held some assemblies on the topic of schools and the role of education with regard to the social machine’s functioning.

I also remember that, a few days before 17th November 2008, we had participated in an attack against the PASOK Youth, who had their offices in Exarchia at the time. The incident lasted quite a while because the members of PASP [university student faction of PASOK party] had hired a bunch of bouncers to protect them – just as they had done in previous years during 17th November marches, where their henchmen had in fact attacked anarchist blocs. So basically the confrontation was not with the PASOK Youth themselves but with the bouncers guarding their offices. In the end we managed to reach their offices, and those of them who didn’t lock themselves inside in time got what was coming to them. As a result, a PASP student who was carrying the [blood-stained national] flag of the Polytechnic had a broken arm in all the pictures that adorned newspaper front pages the next day.

Another incident I retrieve from my memory is a solidarity gathering at Evelpidon courts [in July 2008] for the then-imprisoned anarchists [Marios] Tsourapas and [Chrysostomos] Kontorevythakis, who stood trial for an incendiary attack [on a patrol vehicle] at offices of the municipal police. Once the court session ended, the solidarians who had attended that hearing left on foot for Exarchia. At the height of Pedion tou Areos Park, a scuffle with two cops of the Z motorised unit broke out, and the police helmets that they left behind on their motorcycles were taken. During the scuffle, the cops had pulled out their guns and fired several times not only into the air but also aiming at the crowd to compel us to run away.

Next frame in this narrative is that damned evening of December 6th. I was sitting with Alexandros and some other folks on the Messolonghiou pedestrian street, as we did almost on a daily basis.

After a while a comrade came to us and suggested we go to Charilaou Trikoupi Street and wait for a patrol car to pass by so we could throw some stones he had picked up. We did go there and waited while Alexandros stood further behind us. Shortly afterwards a patrol car passed by, with Korkoneas and Saraliotis inside.

I didn’t know then that the fullness of time had come for all of us; it was the moment that would change everything. The hourglass of life was turned upside down the moment a stone hit the police car of Korkoneas. We went back and sat on the pedestrian street, with the rest of the folks, while Korkoneas and Saraliotis passed in the patrol car from Zoodochou Pigis Street to see who had attacked them; at that point, we threw some small objects at the patrol car; once they had glanced at us, they drove away, parked the patrol car next to the MAT anti-riot squad that guarded the offices of PASOK party, and returned to the intersection of Tzavela and Zoodochou Pigis St. on foot.

Once we saw the cops approaching, we got up to leave, as we thought that the MAT anti-riot squad would come with them, as is usually the case. At that moment the two cops began to swear at us, and that’s when we noticed they had come on their own, without any supporting police force. So some of us moved towards them, and Alexandros, who had gone ahead, hurled some of the beer bottles we had been drinking from. After only a few seconds, Korkoneas pulled out his gun and concluded by means of bullets the specific confrontation which had been initiated just a little while ago.

A bullet in the heart of Alexandros to close the circle of the statist machine’s omnipotence. A bloodstain on the Messolonghiou pedestrian street to open the circle of rebellion that wrecked the legal order and sowed chaos and anarchy in all cities throughout Greece.

Quite logically, the defence lawyers have tried and will try to claim it was a tough break, a ricocheted bullet, an isolated incident. From my perspective, as contradictory as it may sound, this serves my own desires as well – obviously on a judicial rather than a political level. I do not believe in the institution of incarceration, as I consider it to be one of the tools of horror, democratically administered in doses, which domination has in its arsenal to ensure smooth reproduction.

I believe in the revolutionary right to take the law into one’s own hands and in everyone’s effort to square accounts with their enemies on their own, away from the mediation of cops, judges, laws, prisons, the scientifically thought-out repression, the technocratic ugliness that stains the beauty of wild instincts and free will. For me, the cops-murderers consequently deserve a chaotic prospective probability that revenge will be taken for all the lost souls seeking their own violent deliverance. This is the only justness in my own value system.

Besides, we do not torture people like the contemporary authoritarian civilisation systematically does – the greatest monstrosity in the history of humankind, which has even managed to normalise death and put words and meanings at the service of its domination through the propaganda mechanisms of the always objective global information centres.

Because all of us, enemies of Power, may have come to terms with prison or even death as a potential eventuality, but we have never accepted death’s existence as a news story in the constructed virtual reality with which we are being bombarded.

The most ridiculous part of it all is the fact that the propaganda mechanisms of domination attempt to portray murders committed by cops as isolated incidents caused by deranged personalities, as accidents that always occur due to negligence.

Police murders are neither isolated incidents, nor a Greek phenomenon. They are an extreme manifestation of the democratic imposition upon social margins, poor-devils, delinquents, insubordinates, migrants. Furthermore, police murders confirm that the liberatory war exists, whenever they target insurgents who arm themselves and fight domination with the flame of freedom burning in their hearts.

These killings are a logical consequence of cops’ perceptions of their role, perceptions with which these individuals are indoctrinated to staff the repressive machines that shield the social machine’s orderly functioning.

Police firearms do not go off with murderous intentions only in Greece; they murder 15-year-olds in Turkey because they participated in anti-government demonstrations, they murder 16-year-olds in Italy because they didn’t pull over at a police traffic stop, they murder mothers and children in Palestine, they murder dozens of African Americans in the US on purely racist motives, they murder migrants in Sweden’s suburbs, they murder youth in England’s poorest hoods; they murder repeatedly and serially in all corners of the planet to impose social peace.

And if the examples I’ve brought are known to many, because they have been linked with small-scale and large-scale uprisings in response to statist murders, they do not cease to be a mere drop in the ocean compared to the storm of murderous crackdowns launched by security corps in defence of capitalist domination.

If we close our eyes and ears to the ceaseless flow of dominant propaganda, we’ll be able to listen to the thousands of anonymous deaths in police stations, terrestrial and maritime border areas, concentration camps, psychiatric institutions and prisons, war zones across the Middle East, and sweatshops that exterminate contemporary slaves. Anyone can hear the cries of people who are being tortured in police cells, who commit suicide in a confinement facility out of desperation, who are sunk by coast guard cops and drowned in the cold waters of the Mediterranean Sea, who are crippling their bodies over multinationals’ production machines in third world countries, who are buried under rubble after blind aerial bombardments conducted by capitalist empires.

Consequently, all of the public discourse that currently revolves around the value of human life is, at its root, hypocritical and deeply offensive.

From our side, we have a very different approach to what is normally acceptable and how human life is valued, in relation to how these concepts are defined by dominant norms.

We don’t think it’s normally acceptable that people in Western societies eat their food with apathy in front of TV sets, watching warcrafts as they blindly bomb third world territories. Instead, we believe it’s normally acceptable to transfer this war to the interior of urban centres, creating a political cost to the murderous interventions of dominant superpowers.

We don’t think it’s normally acceptable that civilians are bombed as a war strategy by states, so as to crush the morale of resisting peoples such as that of Palestine. Instead, we believe it’s normally acceptable to strike by any means those junior or senior soldiers who are manning military operations against civilians.

We don’t think it’s normally acceptable that all this is presented as humanitarian interventions of dominant superpowers to ensure peace. We do not consider it normally acceptable that the entire civilised world is shedding crocodile tears for the dead in France, while the same states and their secret services – who are drowning entire populations in blood with their interventions – are those that demonstrably trained, equipped and funded the monster that is Islamofascism, so as to serve their own interests; a monster which, as has repeatedly happened before, is autonomised and turns against its benefactors once it acquires power.

We do not consider it as normally acceptable that the vultures of financial lobbies plunder the natural resource wealth of destabilised countries in the name of peace and growth.

But we do consider it as normally acceptable to attack with all available means against bosses, statist officials, bankers, those who hold positions of political and economic power, those armed to protect the murderous social peace, representatives of the judiciary, executives of multinational companies, all persons and infrastructure that maintain and reproduce a system responsible for all the existent ugliness on this planet.

These are differences that can never be bridged but can only clash with each other to the bitter end; they constitute the evolution of insurgency and counterinsurgency, as well as the advanced dialectics being developed within each camp.

As for our side, this way creates a gap between domains where social control is organised and bloodied flowers of apathy bloom, a dangerous gap that aims to crush organised oppression and the Power’s violence, the unpredictable factor, the statistical error on the diagrams of technocrats, the uninvited guest in the form of the internal enemy that organises and arms itself to strike the enemies of freedom.

This is the lasting anarchist insurgency, and its philosophy infects the authoritarian fabric, spreading anarchy in the metropolises of capitalism. And it is clear that it neither capitulates, nor retreats, but is only redeployed to attack again and again. Because neck or nothing is not an innocuous phrase painted on a wall, but the meaning that encapsulates the lives of those comrades, in these times and other eras, who fell in combat with the enemy. This is why constant anarchist insurgency will continue to besiege domination, until the last authoritarian is hanged by the guts of the last bureaucrat.

So we’re back to the point where combative minorities overturn the mass production of deterministic conclusions, where everything is possible, where unannounced intrusions into the territory occupied by Power afflict its military and political supremacy.

Because it’s not enough to talk about anarchy if one is not ensuring its survival through deeds against the state, capital, society and their civilisation; because anarchy will always be a war without limits against the odds that are dictated by “experts”.

For me, this has always been the issue at stake in the conflict; this was, is and will be the only solid reference source for analysing history.

Alexandros is now an integral part of this history; I cannot tell what he would’ve become if things had gone differently; besides, “what if” is nothing but an inner demon of the wounded. But I can speak for what Alexandros was until he fell dead by the bullets of that cop. In his short but adventurous life, he lived authentically; he was a rebellious youth, fascinated with the idea of anarchy, like those who nowadays occupy the city’s narrow streets, launch Molotov cocktails at cops, and torch patrol cars of the police; he was insubordinate and stubborn; a sincere person with a kind soul and selfless motives in whatever he did. He was a person who lived his passions and frustrations with intensity.

He loved and was loved by many comrades, and will always be a reference point for many people, most of whom are now held captive in the prisons of democracy. And he may no longer be with us, but I know that he continues to plan small-scale and large-scale rebellions with our own dead, Mauricio [Morales], Carlo [Giuliani], Sebastián [Oversluij], Michalis [Kaltezas], Lambros [Foundas], Christos [Tsoutsouvis] and dozens of other wonderful people who departed leaving their dreams unfulfilled.

To the question that may reasonably be asked – why is all this needed to be said right now – the answer is simple.

In today’s environment, where the velocity of historical time has derailed itself, where events are easily disconnected from the circumstances that gave birth to them, where reality is altered by the distorting lenses of publicists of every stripe, where everyday life is shaped according to the image that falls from the digital world on people’s heads, it’s a necessity that we keep revolutionary memory alive, that we make all its aspects known, without abandoning any of it to oblivion, which can only help its distortion.

As new circles of radical experiences are opened, there’s no better way to reinitiate anarchist insurgency than connect it with its rekindling point. Because it is a common assumption that a part of the generation of anarchists, with their small and large disagreements, who armed themselves after the December 2008 rebellion, and are now locked in the cells of Greek prisons, had as starting points the nights when rebels were behind barricades and anarchy breathed life between the damaged symbols of Power.

As our own subversive experiences are moved away from the scope of our everyday personal events in the routine of our living captivity, we attempt to create a connection point and, simultaneously, a starting point of a new journey. A point of connection with our historical and political origins, a new starting place where rebels will encounter one another, and will not occasionally take to the streets, but rather contribute to the creation of an informal platform of coordination and action within anarchy; where strategy calls for the permanency of rage, where revolutionary dialectics call for a wholehearted commitment to liberatory struggle.

Because Black December is not a staged repetition of previous insurrectional events, but rather a circle of struggle that connects the past with the present, in search of a future where our everyday life will be inundated with acts of attack and rebellion against Power.

Because, although our bodies are incarcerated between walls and bars, our souls are found in every part of the planet where flags of resistance are raised for a world of freedom. Because our hearts stubbornly continue to beat to the rhythm of wild freedom, next to the comrades of the Anarchist Insurgent Movement in Brazil, who, in their turn, have called for a Black December after setting fire to bank branches, next to the FAI cells and guerilla groups of comrades who go on the offensive, next to freedom fighters who combat Islamofascists in the territory of Rojava, next to anarchist comrades who self-denyingly risk their lives to help in the reconstruction of Kobanî, next to rioters in Great Britain whose rage manifests itself violently, breaking the suffocating social control, next to anarchists in Spain hit by anti-anarchist operations of the Spanish state, in the streets of Chile, where rebels clash with cops and blow up police stations, in the squares of Turkey, where our comrades have paid with their lives for the conflict with the state-mafia of Erdoğan, next to comrades in Belgium who lit fires of destruction in the streets of Brussels. Despite all kilometric distances our struggle is common, and we share the same joy and the same pains with all these people that disseminate the poison of freedom into the authoritarian social fabric.

Somewhere here I bring this narrative to an end.

That was Alexandros and that’s me. I do not regret anything and I still believe that the only dignified choice nowadays is that of polymorphous subversive struggle for anarchy. For all the reasons in the world, the confrontation between the world of freedom and the world of enslavement will continue to the bitter end.

Honour forever to all those killed in liberatory struggle!

For a Black December!

For the anarchist offensive against the world of Power!

Solidarity and strength to all anarchist prisoners!

Long live Anarchy!

Nikos Romanos

PS. To end the mockery of the last days about an amendment for educational furloughs, that was allegedly drafted by SYRIZA’s gang of clowns to “benefit me personally”, let me just clarify that for the three years I find myself in prison I have never set foot outside, nor does this seem likely to happen, since it’s obvious that there is no way I will be granted leave from any prosecutors, whether their names are Nikopoulos or Perimeni. Therefore, SYRIZA’s communication tricks are cunningly done, to cultivate positive impressions among those leftist voters their party is left with, while playing it safe, since the trial of the case that keeps me an indictee [that is, awaiting sentencing; which is the authorities’ “special justification” for rejecting all applications for educational leave] will be over in a month’s time anyway; but the prison administration has made all too clear to me that I will continuously receive negative decisions as long as I continue to release texts and “bother” from the inside – what I will continue to do, because I do not intend to make concessions on my stance.

in Italian

[Greek prisons] Text of five imprisoned anarchists for Black December

Delegation, frustration and the internalisation of inaction are characteristics that gain more and more ground in the world of struggle in its totality. And this is something that cannot be hidden within our milieu either. Although the occasions that arise are many, we feel social peace dominating and increasingly fending off CONFLICT that could shake off apathy. Our perceptions and proposals are dead if not expressed in the STREET, there where conventions are abolished and prospects open up.

Anarchy has always had the street as a privileged field of action, and this is what has made anarchy alive as well as attractive. Demonstrations, clashes with the cops, barricades, attacks on banks and department stores are not just spectacular reflections of our passion for attacking the symbols of domination, but also the best opportunity for us to meet each other and test our proposals in practice. We believe that theory is born through practice, because that’s what shapes people, transforming both the material and conscientive terms of our existence.

When our theorising produces a fragmentation of our forces – and thus also inaction – it means that such theoretical approaches are applicable only on foolish games of rhetorical superiority and constitute a provoking invasion of spectacle culture in our relations, distorting their anti-hierarchical nature.

The wager is not about who owns the perfect theory, because reality cannot fit our mental representations, but can only be approached.

The wager is, through the different idioms of meanings that we speak, to understand each other, exchange rationales and technical know-hows, coordinate with each other and organise our attacks.

We see the call for a coordination of revolutionary forces, the call for a ‘Black December’, as a wager as well. A call that does not have (and should not have) a person-centred tone, seeking to be embraced by the whole of the radical milieu. It does not concern the personal demands of anyone; only the common will for insurrection. And our ability to distinguish this is also a precondition so that political rifts can be bridged in the field of material conflict against the State.

We want this December to cause us rebels to meet, organise ourselves and ATTACK. We are not asking for a resurrection of past rebellions; we seek the opportunity to keep the field of CONFLICT open, there where people in the streets are growing in number, where the passion for liberatory violence meets spontaneity or, better still, an organised plan.

To create moments in space-time that will break the numbness and inaction that disarm us, and will make us realise our possibilities when we take action.

Giorgos Karagiannidis
Yannis Michailidis
Fivos Harisis
Argyris Ntalios
Grigoris Sarafoudis

[Koridallos prison, December 3rd 2015]

Greek via Athens IMC | English (edited here) via Act For Freedom Now!