I write to all those who build their paths of autonomy, to remember that within these walls we try to apart our vital time from the machinery generating moments of lucidity in a suffocating world… This is how, in those years, there were proposals of resistance, isolated struggles in forgotten areas, lost cry of rebellion in obscurity, collective moments of informal organization in the daily life of the open regime, that is to say, in the [prison] population in general, where, almost three years ago, came up the idea of creating a different space where prisoners could shout that we are enough from all this annihilation.
We know that the prison system is designed to subject our bodies and our minds to the structure of commerce and that is why we are not going to ask them to change, we know that money is the language of the powerful and that is why we do not have any requests, now we want self organize our lives on these walls because we know that what their social rehabilitation programs seek is to create submissive, repentant, and guilty human beings and this is why therefore they accept slave labor in the hands of prison officials.
Thus, the idea of founding an alternative library in the auditorium of the Northern Reclusory came up. But for this project of autonomy to grow and to allow its operation, we need your support and solidarity, because within prison we are more effectively repressed and therefore, this is a call to all those who know we are at war, we need you, only with you can we reach the strength to face the rotten logic of the system…
Do not leave us alone in building another space for autonomy, our struggle is no less important, we are also slaves, children of war, we are poor, called criminals and therefore we are marginalized, but together with you, we will prove that we are capable to live the freedom here and now, even being behind stone walls…
That is why we ask for support to maintain this project, the autonomous library in the North Reclusory.
With love and strength for all.
Translated by tormentasdefogo
WE CAN STILL BE WORSE
Reflections and considerations on the month following the disappearance of Santiago Maldonado
On August 1st, members of the Pu Lof Mapuche community in resistance in the province Cushamen barricaded National Route 40, along with allies in solidarity. They cut off traffic in solidarity against the legal proceedings confronting el Lonko Facundo Jones Huala (for the second time). Minutes later, cars and trucks arrived carrying about thirty border police armed with rifles. The peñis (Mapuches) began throwing rocks, responding to the presence of the bastard forces of order. The G
endarmerie advances to the shots, burning the precarious houses and belongings of the Lof, forcing the occupiers to retreat across a river. Santiago Maldonado (“Lechuga” or “el Brujo“) fell behind the rest. Some of the inhabitants of the Lof saw that the Gen darmerie grabbed Santiago; others testified as to hearing the police say they “got one.”
Afterwards, images and testimony began to circulate about how Santiago was missing, and that it seemed the
Gendarmerie had taken him away in a “unimog” all-terrain military vehicle. The authorities were silent through this whole process.
On Friday, August 4, various anarchists and individuals in solidarity entered the seat of government in Chubut province, demanding Santiago’s return. The place was ripe for destruction. Computers, notebooks, windows, and decorations were all viciously destroyed, and fliers and graffiti were left behind referring to the repression in Cushamen.
On Monday, August
7, a gathering was called in the Plaza del Congreso, bringing various organizations and groups together with Santiago’s family. The gathering ended up being quite large, and many comrades showed up. Enraged not only because of what had happened, but also because the political apparatus — getting ready for their elections — had been distributing fliers for their Leftist Front. On the same day, after the gathering, Entre Ríos street was cut off, and the occupiers threw rocks and firecrackers at the infantry, fending off the two city police and one National Congress guardsman who had been stationed nearby. Afterward, two police motorcycles were set ablaze. In the end, the group dispersed, without any arrests or injuries on our side.
On Friday, August 11, marches and actions were coordinated throughout various parts of the country: Bolsón, Bariloche, Rosario, and Buenos Aires. In the capital, human rights groups (including a section of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo, the mothers of individuals disappeared during the period of dictatorship), gathered alongside family members and friends of Lechuga’s, with more leftist organizations bringing together a “peaceful” gathering in the Plaza de Mayo, in front of the Pink House, the seat of government. In front of the multitude, one of Lechuga’s brothers read some of his writing, leaving his anarchist, anti-police position completely clear.
One of the things that makes us quite angry is the way these events have been used by political parties — the PO, the MST, the MAS socialist convergence, and Kirchnerist parties — as well las NGOs, and unions like the CGT, with its dark history during the Peronist period, involving the AAA and para-police groups. They use partial images and histories of our comrade to give themselves a few more kernels of legitimacy in the middle of an electoral process. The kidnapping of Lechuga IS NOT A POLITICAL CAMPAIGN. These scavengers would never feel strange defending private property, the border police, or even the same governments that repress them and bury them in the misery of everyday life — because they themselves desire to obtain that same power, and exercise that same authority. We have nothing to do with them, or with their conciliatory responses to the kidnapping of our comrade.
On Thursday the 17th, a march was called in Cordoba Capital, where a great multitude demanded that Santiago be returned, alive and whole. The police deployed a massive riot-control apparatus. That same night, in the early morning, some anonymous deployed a rudimentary device that burned out the doors at the entrance to the Association of Non-commissioned Officers of the National Gendarmerie in Córdoba. No one claimed responsibility. Days later, a national march against trigger-happy cops resulted in confrontations and destruction throughout the center of Córdoba. Later, various anarchist, platformist, and political spaces were raided, including a dining hall, as well as the homes of mothers whose children were murdered by the police. Here, they only left with posters, flags, and fliers that had to do with Santiago’s case (as well as the milk from the dining hall). A few people were detained, but they were released after a few hours.
On Thursday the 24th, the group H.I.J.O.S. (made up of children of the disappeared) and other leftist groups called for a gathering and march in the Plaza San Martin in La Plata. Quite a few people attended, including a black bloc of anarchists. During the march, there was vandalism on some of the central streets of the city. The march ended in the same plaza where it had begun, across the street from the Buenos Aires Senate. Under the astonished gaze of several indignant citizens, the street was cut off, a well-placed truck was destroyed, and the senate was attacked with rocks and a pair of molotov cocktails, resulting in some destruction and burning the facade of the building. Two hours later, two individuals left large cans filled with naphtha, burning two cars parked next to the senate. No one claimed responsibility for the attack. Several days later, the intelligence chief of the Buenos Aires police was fired.
In some of these gatherings and marches, as well as in the streets and universities, and above all on social networks, we have seen that the a majority of the public has empathized with Santiago, and a smaller part has supported violent actions. It is true that in Argentina, to speak of forced disappearances is to speak of the military dictatorship and of histories that have been engraved in social sensibility. The vast majority of politicians try to hide the continuation of the repressive apparatus — hide the similarities between the dictatorship and the current democratic government. Repression, torture, and forced disappearances never really ended…
We believe that it is necessary to expand this conflict. From the first moments, comrades and allies creatively demonstrated around the world, first in Uruguay, Chile, Bolivia, and Peru, but then in the U.S., Spain, India, France, Syria, Colombia, Mexico, and many other corners of this worn-out planet. These demonstrations have spread not only the news of what happened to Lechuga, but the fact that solidarity must be internationalist and without borders other than the limits that we set for ourselves.
The press takes aim, and the state pulls the trigger
What to say about the news articles and journalistic investigations by mercenaries like Jorge Lanata, Mauro Viale, Eduardo Feinmann, and other information lackeys in the press? They put forward the name of the Mapuche Ancestral Resistance (RAM, a separatist guerrilla group), crediting them with more than thirty actions from one day to the next, from flyering to the burning of ranches, the death of a border policeman in San Martin de los Andes, and the sale of weapons and drugs. They pass along images of possible future Santiago Maldonados — individuals who could face the same fate — in Mendoza, Entre Rios, and Buenos Aires; they put together theories that Santiago was a hostage of the Mapuches, that he had died in an attack on a ranch, that he was never in the Lof, or that he was a simple artisan or traveling hippie.
After the attack on the seat of government in Chubut, the press attributed the attack to a cell of the RAM, stating that the attack “alarmingly” took place two blocks from the obelisk, and that they went in shooting; but if we look at the place for two seconds through the photos that were released, we can see clearly that there were several circle-A signs painted up, and that the damage was not done by bullets. Their exaggerations really are limitless…
The state needs to vindicate its own authority – it needs to create internal enemies. The unemployment crisis and the general economic crisis have resulted in an emergent malaise that can be felt clearly in the streets; what could be better than blaming the economic collapse on non-Argentine students, like Jorge Lanata’s news program argued? Or blaming the destruction of the formal economy on pirate disc vendors, like the América 24 news channel tried to do? What could be better than the president Mauricio Macri saying that the workers have to stop messing around with all of this about blocking roads, have to going over their bosses heads — because this discourages foreign investment?
Declarations from Patricia Bullrich (the Minister of National Security) have said that she won’t allow the Gendarmerie to be crucified (“…I’m not going to throw the Gendarmerie under the bus…”), claimed that the Maldonado case is not a forced disappearance, and declared through clenched teeth that she thinks it’s impossible that thirty border police would conspire to kill and disappear someone. As she says, this police force is not the same as it was 40 years ago, always playing the same game of “bad dictatorship, good democracy.”
The Bullrich family has always known how to defend their ideological and economic interests. Adolfo Bullrich headed a business that auctioned land off after the disastrous Desert Campaign — a campaign pushed forward by the ten-president Avellanada and continued by Julio A. Roca, the goal of which was to annihilate the native peoples who lived there, seize immense land holdings, reaffirm national sovereignty, and generate juicy business contracts with English and Welsh companies, as well as whoever wanted to invest. Esteban Bullrich, Patricia’s brother, left his post as minister of education in order to stand for election. In an election ad, Esteban spoke of the positive changes that the Cambiemos government had generated during those months, stating “We have put more kids in school, more pavement on the streets, and more young men in prison…” Are these words surprising, coming from someone who defended the repressive murderer Luis Patti so that he could exercise his position in congress? He did declare that in a democracy, there is space for debate between different ideologies…
After the proposal for a week of action for Santiago went out over the internet, state security forces were put on alert — so much so that a senior official in the intelligence department of the federal police sent a document to the governor of the province of Buenos Aires, María Eugenia Vidal (of the center-right PRO party) ordering an increase in security and patrols in the streets. The document described possible attacks, and risks to individuals belonging to the security forces, infrastructure, and buildings. The result was not only a visible increase in the number of police (in plazas, border police buildings, train stations, police precincts, and troubled neighborhoods), but that they brought out the shiny toys that we hadn’t seen for a long while: Federal Police armored vehicles, water cannon trucks, and troop transport vehicles all over the place. Everything but the army in the streets.
This new escalation of repression that has been taking place — and will continue — in the streets of the Capital, demonstrates that the ministry of security, as well as the bosses of police “intelligence” intend to restrict all solidarity, rage, and the actions that were unleashed following Santiago’s disappearance. Perhaps these sparks can bring us to break new limits…
In some of our spaces, their harassment is plainly visible. Now it’s not just phone taps and cops following some comrades home, but investigative teams taking pictures, infantry trucks on the corner, and patrols coming and going.
All of this responds to a specific context. In some neighborhoods of the province of Buenos Aires, police have been stopping members of collectives to ask for their documents and check their belongings; the notable increase in patrols and police officers is not just an effort at control and surveillance, but also at the same time, an attempt to clean up the terrible image of both the border police and the cops. During Children’s Day, border police brought trucks of toys to different schools and cafeterias — that is to say, they shamelessly repeated slogans of “solidarity” in the same places where they perform intelligence work, go in shooting, and carry out fierce repression. If their intelligence work was designed under the framework of Project X in the Kirchner epoch, when they built a database following militants and organizations, now they’ve come out onto the field of play more than ever before, becoming one more shock force that the State can employ in its favor.
Of course, the law follows not far behind, not only with the reform to law 24.660 (which removes almost all prison benefits and temporary releases, giving more decisive power to the Penal Service), but also the increases in sentences, broadening legal definitions of illicit association, carrying weapons, and damage to private property.
Relationships between Mapuches and anarchists
We have seen that in the last couple years, some Mapuche communities have been leaving aside legalistic angles of struggle, and have decided to occupy the properties of large landholders and portions of state land. Machines have been burned, there have been coordinated attacks on various positions on single ranches — similar to what is going on in the Wallmapu on the Chilean side.
The media have taken it upon themselves to declare that all Mapuches belong to the RAM, or that the Mapuches who live in the Lof belong to the RAM, generating a perfect internal enemy. In reality, the RAM (Mapuche Ancestral Resistance) are nothing more than the abbreviation with which some Mapuches claim their actions in the Wallmapu in Argentina.
El Lonko Facundo Jones Huala is recognized as belonging to this Mapuche group. At the moment, he is detained in the prison at Esquel, where he spent 18 days on hunger strike, awaiting a presumed extradition to Chile. He has recognized the occurrence of a historic confrontation not only with the Argentine state, but the Chilean state as well, along with the corporations that have devastated indigenous territories without fear of reprisal, with the excuse of “progress.” This is an ancestral struggle that has lasted more than 500 years. The RAM is only a small expression of this long struggle.
Harassment and persecution not only by the forces of order, but also by the business owners and the media is disgusting. They try to justify both repression and the advance of neocolonialism. They throw out headlines alleging that the Mapuches are connected to the FARC, that they have military assault weapons, that they are “fake indians,” and many other idiocies.
For us as anarchists, it’s impossible not to be angry with the ways that the state harasses, attacks, and disappears the Mapuche, as well as the Qom, the Wichi, or the Guaraní, not to mention the tribes living in the Amazon, who resist the advance of the machines and “human progress” understood as civilization. We share much with the Mapuche who are fighting in the south of the region, but there is also a chasm distancing us from them. Their forms of organization and the relationships that they have developed, involving themselves with nature and the land are a demonstration of their own, specific cosmovision. As anarchists, we recoil from their desire to advance and obtain their own Mapuche nation. We respect their rebel dignity, and will stand in solidarity, but we do not share in the totality of their struggle.
NO DEMANDS ON THE STATE; PERMANENT CONFLICT AGAINST AUTHORITY
We all desire that our comrade be returned alive, that he might follow whatever path he might desire. We know that the state is responsible for this disappearance, because that is one of the functions of persecution and the “extermination” of the “disturbing elements” that impede the normal functioning of society. For the same reason, we cannot demand anything of our persecutors. They are responsible for the disappearances for trafficking, connections between the narcos and the police, executions of youth in our neighborhoods at the hands of the cops, the approval of laws raising sentences, playing with the lives of prisoners, responsible for the application of new technologies for social control, for the destruction of natural territories in order to put up concrete walls and plantations of soy or GMO corn – everything that turns the wheels of capitalist progress.
We feel that they have tried to depoliticize our comrade. They have attempted to deny his anarchist convictions, and they have tried to hold him up as a slogan for one more political campaign. On one hand, Cristina Kirchner and her bootlickers seem to have very short memories: They talk about Santiago, but they evaporate when we bring up Julio López. Although Hebe de Bonafinni (one of the founders of the Madres de la Plaza de Mayo) might have said that López was a jailer and that Santiago was a social activist, she said it to defend Kirchenerism. And what’s more, it’s a lie – López was a carpenter and was disappeared in 2006 because he was going to testify against Miguel Osvaldo Etchecolatz, a leader of the forces of repression during the dictatorship. López’ disappearance demonstrates that even after 15 years, the military still has plenty of power. Nor do they want to talk about Luciano Arruga — a youth from the marginal neighborhood Lomas de Mirador, who was kidnapped, murdered, and buried as a John Doe in the la Chacarita cemetery, because he refused to steal for the police. Nor do they want to remember Cristian Ibáñez, who was detained by the police only to later appear to have “killed himself” in his cell in a police precinct in Jujuy, or Marcelo Cuellar, who was murdered in the town of Libertador General San Martín in 2003, at a march following Ibáñez’ murder — both were militants with the Combative Classist Current. They don’t want to talk about Carlos Fuentealba, killed by police repression in Neuquén during a labor organizers’ roadblock of Route 22 in 2007, or Juan Carlos Erazo, killed in Mendoza in 2008 following a brain abscess resulting from an injury when he was hit by a rubber bullet and tear gas, during a factory takeover where he worked. They want to forget that on June 17, 2010, Diego Bonefoi was murdered by police in Bariloche, shot in the back of the head. On the next day, the neighborhood organized a protest, and two more youths were killed in the resulting police repression: Nicolás Carrasco and Sergio Cárdenas. On October 20 of the same year, Mariano Ferreyra – a militant in the Workers’ Party — was shot twice and killed by strikebreakers from the Railway Union, during a protest organized by workers whose jobs at Roca Railways in Avellanada had been outsourced. During the Kirchner era, indigenous peoples have had the same bad luck. The indigenous community member Javier Chocobar, part of a Diaguita community in Tucumán, was resisting displacement alongside other members of the community. On October 12, 2009, An ex-police member in service of the landowners drove in and started shooting, killing and injuring other inhabitants of the community. On November 23, 2010, in Formosa, some indigenous Qom members of the community La Primavera blocked a road to reclaim their lands. The police repressed them violently, murdering two members of the community, Sixto Gómez and Roberto López…
This has not only taken place under Kirchenerism. All governments are of one color, and have dozens of repressive murders on their hands. Further back there are Víctor Choque, Teresa Rodríguez, Mauro Ojeda, Francisco Escobar, Aníbal Verón, Carlos Santillán, Oscar Barrios, the youths Maximiliano Tasca, Cristian Gómez, Adrián Matassa, Miguel Bro, Javier Barrionuevo, Petete Almirón, Dario Santillán and Maximiliano Kosteki, and so many more who have been beaten, tortured, disappeared, and murdered by the forces of order — in neighborhoods, in police precincts, in psychiatric hospitals, in brothels and jails.
Their hands are bloody — soaked with the blood of the marginalized, the blood of illegals, the blood of rebels. Passivity is not an option: It’s time to demand vengeance. Vengeance against the executioners, and vengeance for the life of misery they have imposed. Vengeance for their constant violence. There has never been peace, with so many dead, and we know who is responsible. We know their names, their titles, and their intentions. They try to call us infiltrators, to call us violent, and we reply:
WE CAN STILL BE WORSE…
Some anarchists in Buenos Aires, September 2017
On October 18th 2014, from 2pm, an animalistic protest against McDonald’s was held from Plaza Italia to Los Héroes in Santiago.
We calmly marched as a small bloc of punks and anarchists, who joined together with the desire to participate in that protest generating a spontaneous destructive revolt against the industry of plastic food and death of animals. When the crowd (alongside the bloc) reached the corner of Santa Rosa with Alameda St. (where a McDonald’s is located), animalists began shouting at the salaried slaves of that place, who ended up lowering the security shutters. That’s when a few hooded youths and others with faces uncovered (among them the compa Javier Recabarren) started kicking and hitting the shutters with sticks and whatever else they could get their hands on, until they managed to bend a shutter to make their way in through a hole. However, this action was prevented by cops who arrived at that moment, making the comrades disperse among the crowd.
The police, who outnumbered the protesters, began to chase the hooded ones, until two cops caught Javier. Several people tried to de-arrest him, but the cops pushed them away with baton charges, injuring several comrades. This action generated more hatred among the hooded ones towards the disgusting cops, so we rushed to the police checkpoint (where Javier was) and the cop bus, where more compas were detained. In a moment of despair, the cops were unable to control the revolt, and that’s when Javier opened the door and got off the cop car running and mocking the authority, leaving the bastards totally humiliated.
Javier rushed towards the crowd, disappearing in it (most people cowardly advanced without giving aid to what was happening behind; which is typical), while all of the comrades of the small bloc who remained un-arrested scattered. I personally noticed that the cops were desperately searching for someone among the protesters, and that’s when I was approached by Javier and a punk comrade. Javier told me: “sibling, I escaped from the patrol car” and upon saying those words the compa let out a laugh. Then he told me: “… but I’m being followed; they’re still looking for me; cover for me.” When I realized that the comrade was being followed, I immediately told him: “Compa, put yourself next to me to pass unnoticed, and split from your comrade; you’ll meet later in a little square.” And so we walked among the crowd, and as he was small, Javier hid himself between my clothes and the mass. The cops didn’t manage to catch him.
Javier laughed because he told me it was easy to escape from the cops, who idiotically left the door of the car unlocked, but he was a bit anxious as they were looking for him. Shortly afterwards we arrived at the agreed little square and saw that his punk comrade was also able to get away from the cops, as he was there waiting for him.
The grinning smile of Javier Recabarren, having escaped arrest, turns out to be a good subversive memory of revolt against all forms of Power and authority.
JAVIER RECABARREN PRESENT
… in the living memory and action for Total Liberation!
Javier Recabarren, an 11-year-old anarchist comrade, vegan and staunch defender of the struggle for animal liberation, fell dead on March 18th 2015 after being hit by a Transantiago bus on Radal with Alameda St. in Santiago, Chile. To find out more about the comrade’s life, you may read the “Publication in the rebellious and insurgent memory of Javier Recabarren” in Spanish; a fanzine which includes a compilation of words and actions in response to a callout one year after his death.
Other brothers and sisters already said it a couple of years ago, today we reaffirm it. November 1st should be a day of action for animal liberation, hostility towards the enemy, propaganda against domination in all its forms; not a day of festivity for veganism.
In the early morning of November 1st 2016, we put a noise bomb inside a butcher shop in Santiago. We had checked its infrastructure long ago; that place of death of thousands of animals destined for consumption by disgusting humans. A perfect hole served to place our little din of Revenge.
These useless ones know very well why we harass them. The pact between comrades in affinity is already a fact; from here on, the attack won’t stop.
DEATH TO THE SLAUGHTERER, ATTACK THE BUTCHER SHOPS!
Animal Liberation Front.
The poster in Spanish
In response to the repression suffered by anarchist comrades living in the region dominated by the Italian State, by the DIGOS (Division of General Investigations and Special Operations) in the context of “Scripta Manent” operation, we burned down an SUV belonging to the Presidency of the Argentine Nation on September 25, at 1 a.m. at the junction of Marcos Paz and Pedro Lozano St., in the area of Villa Devoto in Buenos Aires.
Anna, Marco, Sandrone, Daniele, Danilo and Valentina: you should know you are not alone and that those of us on this side of prison walls will continue to attack authority and burn down the cities across the world.
Freedom or death (Informal Anarchist Federation)
Since September 28th 2016, the imprisoned compañeros Fernando Bárcenas, Abraham Cortés (in Mexico City’s Reclusorio Norte) and Luis Fernando Sotelo (in Mexico City’s Reclusorio Sur) have undertaken hunger strike, while Miguel Peralta (in Oaxaca’s Cuicatlán prison) abstains from prison meals.
Their joint struggle, marking three years since the imprisonment of Abraham Cortés (on October 2nd 2013), is also in solidarity with Luis Fernando Sotelo, who was recently sentenced to 33 years and 5 months. It’s also their way of supporting the US prisoner struggle and showing solidarity with African-American compas who experience the drug genocide.
It should be clear that we’re not taking to the streets to defend a government, nor Dilma’s nor any other. We’re not demonstrating against the coup, let alone to defend democracy. We are on the streets because today, like every other day, we’re fighting against the Capital, the State and their tentacles. Letting the rebellious and liberatory violence free and contaminating for those who want to be contaminated. We are on the streets to meet with other social misfits and create complicity in the noise of broken glasses and the warmth of burning garbage bins…
We know that political changes (not only in this territory) aim at an ever stronger repression and barefaced violence against those who don’t conform to the social reality they impose on us. We’re also aware that those who will be fucked the most by the present government are those already fucked for years (if not centuries…).
We don’t deny that there are differences between one government and another, but we can clearly see that above all there’s continuity. At the end of the day, the principles of the Temer government were set by the government of PT/PMDB and Dilma with the repressive reforms that they adopted: the UPPs [Pacifying Police Units] in the favelas, the [proposed constitutional amendment known as] PEC 215, the anti-terror law, etc… What we experience now are also the results of the PT government and their alliance with their current “enemies”: militaries in uniform on the streets, the soy king [Blairo Maggi] in the agriculture ministry, more and more torturers in the Congress… PT, PSOL, PMDB, PP, PSB, PCB, etc… in order to keep existing all of them have to “make alliances” between them, step back on their own principles, their own promises, so as to seize “Power”… A true battle for the throne. All governments and all political parties are a big hypocrisy…
But, besides all this, who likes to be commanded? Who likes to be governed, ordered, oppressed? All political parties are different screws and cogs of the same machinery of domination.
We vandalize, yes, against capitalism, the bourgeoisie and domination. And we’re proud of it.
We smash banks, shops, cars because we remember every attack that each and every government has committed against people. Because when a glass breaks in the middle of the night, there’s a piece of hierarchy, authority, property and domination that falls together with it… Every stone thrown, every firework that explodes, every garbage bin overturned is an act of vengeance against state violence we’re experiencing daily…
The broken windows of Bradesco bank branches are a reminder of the billion reais that were invested in the Olympic Games; because we haven’t forgotten. We smash banks because they are symbols of the Capital and institutions that perpetuate the social and “environmental” collapse we’re living.
Every stone thrown is the expression of indignation of all of us, tired of being used, manipulated and dominated by those in government, by the media, by the multinationals… A brick is charged with rage, frustration and more than anything else the freedom of disobedience, of disrespect to property. A brick into a window is the expression of insubmission, of those instincts that were not and never will be domesticated and pacified. It is the capacity to overcome the margins of citizenist protest towards the path of free rebellion. A brick carries all the courage of leaving the house and abandoning the role of the spectator in front of a screen, to run out to the streets and transform them into a field of political action.
The streets, where we meet, do not belong to anybody but the revolt. The streets open the way to take back our lives, they open the way to insubmission and dignity… They open the doors so that everyone can be responsible for themselves without depending on any institution, they open the way of “fuck the State” and of autonomy… and we are there because our rage is expanding, against the social order, not against the puppet that carries the title of the President, but against the entire state structure… because it’s clear to us that the streets shout much more than “Out With Temer”.
From the streets, we’re uncontrollable, in the complicity of the hoodie we’re stronger, and we can live intensively in spaces where the banks will never be something to be defended but institutions that profit from inequality, that take over lives with blows of credit cards and financial interests. There where the bourgeois car is not a dream but a symbol of vanity; where a shop is selling privileges and not just clothes… where we’re able to attack materially against domination.
That the internal repression led by candidates and affiliates of political parties don’t put a halt to our rage, that they don’t put a halt to direct actions…
We had enough of being commanded…
We’re not asking for anything, we’re gonna smash it all…
For uncontrollable upheaval, for revolt, for anarchy
“(…) This is a call for revolutionary solidarity against the slavery and extermination imposed by economic plunder… in North America, Latin America, the Middle East, Europe and all other places touched by civilization, know that we are preparing ourselves within Mexican prisons; but that will continue to be demonstrated through actions… To war alongside our imprisoned brothers and sisters, slaves of the United States, who are rising up and coordinating a nationwide strike in North America’s prisons on September 9th 2016, and with all other captives and slaves in the rest of the world… Until we are all free.”
– Fernando Bárcenas Castillo.
English full text translation on It’s Going Down
Received June 19th 2016:
We want to communicate the destruction of 13 telephone booths of the Telmex company. Telmex is a company that builds federal prisons in Mexico. Carlos Slim, its owner, is a businessman who also owns other companies involved in the construction of the “Mexico–Toluca high-speed train” that is destroying forests and aquifers. These acts of sabotage were carried out during the night of June 17th in Ciudad Nezahualcóyotl, Mexico.
This sabotage is in solidarity with the prisoners who’ve rioted in Barrientos prison. It is in support of the compas that “yes” are on the run in Mexico: Chivo, Tripa and “Cobi”; for compa Gustavo R. and for the destruction of prisons.
FIRE TO THE COMPANIES THAT BUILD PRISONS
We decided to attack the vicinity of the National Institute of Migration as a way of remembering the comrade Mauricio Morales, and what better way to do it than to extend the conflict and remind them that attacks won’t stop even after a comrade’s death or the incarceration of so many others that left dialogue and fear behind, and decided to attack directly and roundly the system of domination; we also claim responsibility for the attack as a show of solidarity with the comrade Natalia Collado and Javier Pino [both imprisoned in Chile, and recently convicted in court], who are about to receive their sentence.
PRISON WON’T STOP ATTACKS
As of Friday 11th March there’s an international call-out from the Chilean region for agitation in memory of Javier Recabarren, who was sadly hit by a city bus of Transantiago on March 18th last year.
We don’t want to remember him only the day of his death; we want to remember him in every step that we take, in every action that brings us closer to our common ideals – animal liberation, among others.
He was an 11-year-old compa whose vegan nutrition practices and various different motivations for the closure of the Zoo in Santiago de Chile gave strength to many to remain standing!
From the Uruguayan region we send warm hugs to his family, his friends and comrades who continue the fight!
Neither walls nor borders will stop our yearning for freedom!
Until every cage in the entire world is empty!
Because No One Is Forgotten
Javier Recabarren Present
On March 15th 2016, we went to the place where the anarchist comrade Javier Recabarren fell dead [on March 18th 2015] and threw dozens of flyers in his memory with the intention of actively remembering him, of bringing him out in the street during this week of agitation – the street where he was active, anonymously attacking the forces of order and insulting them; where he propagandised ideas and practices antagonistic to this rotten society on public occasions as well. This is our way to remember him, as a small rebel who contributed to the struggle against domination, and total liberation, in multiple forms.
On Wednesday evening, February 24th 2016, a large number of people gathered in the Libertad Square, in the context of the international week of action against the eviction of the autonomous social centre La Solidaria. After 7pm, comrades shouting “No eviction of La Solidaria” and carrying different banners in defense of autonomous spaces, began to demonstrate in Montevideo’s streets and continued until the corner of Fernández Crespo Avenue and Cerro Largo Street, where La Solidaria is located. A text was read out in front of the squat’s door, ending with the following words:
“Not one step back!
We don’t negotiate anything, we want everything!
Today and always: against every authority!
La Solidaria resists!”
More photos from the demonstration here.
In late October 2015, we received an eviction notice urging us to abandon the building. Just as in 2013, it will be difficult for them to beat us…
We have defended and we shall defend this space not just as an edifice, but as a place where we promote codes and values opposed to the relationships set by the State and Capital, in order to strengthen another type of relationships based on solidarity, self-management, horizontality and direct action. We consider ourselves part of the social conflict, part of broader projects for transforming the current reality; for ending this world based on money, and create a world based on solidarity and freedom.
The Press already runs errands for the State and the speculators who’ve bought the house, preparing the ground for the eviction. These are crucial moments for us; during the last week of February, the final decision will be made concerning the eviction. It is for this reason that we call for a week of actions in solidarity with the space, a week of agitation against the eviction of the autonomous social centre La Solidaria.
Every blow reaffirms our way and makes us stronger. In the face of eviction threats: more resistance and more action! Solidarity knows no boundaries. Hands off our social centres!
Assembly of the autonomous social centre La Solidaria
Demonstration against the eviction of La Solidaria squat
February 24th 2016 at 18:00 from Libertad Square, Montevideo
Received February 3rd along with the image:
On the 31st January we coordinated two actions of solidarity with prisoners. Not solely in solidarity with anarchist prisoners but with all who have been and are incarcerated by the state or who are escaping that vile oppression.
We carried out two simultaneous actions. We dropped banners in Av. Xola and Tlalpan (Mexico City): “Solidarity with Anarchist Prisoners” and “Fire To The Prisons and All The Judges”. At the same time, in the south of Mexico City, we set fire to a TELMEX car, which belongs to the billionaire Carlos Slim.
We didn’t return to the sites, and assume our ends were met. These actions came from firey hearts, with love and rage, against the face of the horrific structures that threaten to suppress us all. We hope people see our messages, see the fire; replicate and escalate.
Some Anarchists <3
The book “Entrenamiento físico en condiciones de aislamiento [Physical Fitness Training in Solitary Confinement Conditions]” is out now, within the context of the international call for a Black December, a material intended for imprisoned and prosecuted comrades of the social war, a text with physical fitness workout routines and programs, an aspect so useful and necessary in the struggle against authority.
Social centres, spaces, publishing projects or individualities that wish to acquire the book in printable format (in Spanish) can write to irakunditxs14 (at) riseup.net
Today (December 31st 2015), at dawn, we attacked a Porsche car dealership with two Molotov cocktails.
In the face of the voluptuousness and frivolity of capitalism, we choose to respond with fire.
With this action we adhere to the international call for a Black December.
That the fire continues…
Against every authority, with the fallen comrades in our memory;
freedom for all comrades kidnapped in the prisons.
For a Black December – Camila de Pompeya out onto the streets!
Note from Contra Info: On April 28th 2015, compañera Camila de Pompeya Sanhueza Olivares (21) was arrested in the city of Iquique together with another compañera (17), both accused of an incendiary attack against the Intendancy building of Tarapacá Region. Camila is currently held in pretrial detention, while the other juvenile comrade is under house arrest.