Black December has now come to an end, but that doesn’t mean that hostilities against Power have ceased.
Over the past December, comrades from different trenches, tendencies and places of the world went on the offensive and – through anarchist multiform action – made the beginning on a common path; that of constant multiform attack. Now that Black December is finished, it is up to us to continue what we started, to sharpen the offensive and make our every day an act of rebellion against normalcy and the status quo.
We want to breach everything that limits us, every boundary or barrier, and tear down the last bastion of Power along with comrades from all over the world with whom we share the same passions and destructive desires. In our camp of everyday clash with the existent there is no place for capitulations or mediations but only war to the bitter end against all forms of domination. For this we want to become even more effective with all means and all forms of struggle that we have at our disposal.
We claim responsibility for placing an explosive-incendiary device in the Tax Office for Residents Abroad at Metsovou Street [in downtown Athens] in the early hours of January 13th.
We send a conspiratorial salute to all of the groups and individuals who responded to the call of Black December; all those who in one way or another contribute to the anarchist permanent offensive. All those who dare to truly live and to make their very existence a form of attack that’s not reconciled with either Power or the prison society.
WE DO NOT FORGET OUR PRISONERS AND OUR FALLEN COMRADES
FOR A BLACK 2016 AND A LIFE OF REBELLION
original text in Greek; received January 4th 2016
Submitted to Return Fire in the last month of 2015, as part of the challenge to create diverse Black December activities. Return Fire take full responsibility for delaying publication while we awaited corrections, which we now amended into the text and formated for release. Big love from our trench to the comrades standing proud in the Turin courts around this very time. Shouts to the fighters who carry on beyond the Black December timeframe and harry the dominators in all corners of our lives. Freedom. R.F.
– solidarity with Silvia, Costa & Billy
Note from Return Fire: We transcribed the following essay, submitted by ‘Radical Interference’, which unfortunately cannot fit into our upcoming Volume 3 (Winter 2015-2016). We are happy to see that the invitation from the Greek dungeons for a Black December campaign (to re-intensify our insurrectionary fervour while not forgetting to “exchange experiences and rationales around various topics of struggle”) was taken up in this form, so as to broaden and develop the offensive against modern domination. Solidarity and strength to Silvia, ‘Costa‘, ‘Billy‘, Marco, Adrián, Nicola and Alfredo, and to the rest of the comrades in our struggle. In the spirit of ‘Avalon’; always present in our memories and active hands. Let’s extend the energy of Black December beyond the New Year, through the trial that starts in January and the proposed week of mobilisation, and onwards on the path of total liberation. Winter Solstice, 2015
INTRODUCTION AND DEDICATION IN ANTICIPATION OF THE TRIAL ON 13th JANUARY 2016
At this time, as the wheels of this monstrous society continue to grind on, and the scattered insurgents make to throw what they can beneath the tracks to slow it down in whatever way, we are left with some questions. These are questions that, in our opinion, deserve more thought and provocation than they usually assume in the circles of anarchists, rebels and land-defenders. Namely; it is clear that mobilisations (independent of any timeframe), such as those for our imprisoned or fallen, are a practical necessity in order to constitute diverse forces that are ready to face and understand the consequences of any struggle that materially contests the ruling order; in other words, so that repression lessens in its power to stop us in our own tracks.
However, before the usual propaganda and agitation that takes aim at agents or facades of the state, at the prison-industrial complex and its readily-identifiable mercenaries, the bigger question is: what exactly is captivity, today? What is domination, in its most contemporary sense? What facilitates these abominable things, which naturally our passions are also fully inclined to assault?
Scratch the surface of everyday life in the (especially Northern-)European metropolis and the territories that feed them, and the material gears that form that ‘Great Cage’ can still be plainly seen if you know where to look; CCTV cameras being only the tip of the technological iceberg. But already, works are underway to make the chains that bind us less immediately perceivable; yet all the more comprehensive.
In this essay, we will be speaking about a project, a threat, that, it must be remembered, has not yet come to pass in its depicted scope. This carries not a few problems; the techno-critical sphere is already frequently wracked by morbid fascination with the most fantastic projections from the mouthpieces of those developers of domination. A potential fault of this over-activity of the imagination is a kind of self-paralysis, and the needless spread of debilitating fear among those with whom we are reaching for through our publications and communiques. Basically, falling for the hype of techno-science, and acting as if the worst were already here, we terrorise ourselves and those who would like to act – often at the expense of adequately assessing the technologies that are already with us, and studying their flaws and openings for disabling. This detrimental habit is augmented by a deleterious hostility towards the critiques of technological-industrial society, that is still sadly shown by many sectors of the more-or-less radical oppositional tendencies of the world.
With this in mind, throughout what follows, the strongest impression we would like to impart would be – cracks still exist in the walls that surround us, and will continue to…. if we seek them out and force them open. As the glut of action from all across the world in this month alone shows, and from a wealth of perspectives and targeting, the attack is not only feasible, but ever-present. The reason we find it important to dedicate this amount of words to the topic in hand is, simply, that these spaces for insurrection and creation are however diminishing, and it is (understandable fear of) the technological apparatus of modernity and its powers of surveillance, regulation and investigation that is largely responsible. In fact, history regularly teaches us that once designed and perfected, it is usually a matter of time before any given innovation in the hands of the ruling order is deployed to its full and repressive potential; to the degree that the rulers can afford and believe they can get away with. The question is when, not if. Continue reading UK: “Smarter Prison? – call for war on the technology multinationals” publication from Return Fire
The trial concerning the plan of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades to escape from Koridallos prisons has been set for February 15th. A total of 28 people are accused in this trial. Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades have taken responsibility for the escape plan from the outset, defending their choice as a means to continue anarchist struggle.
However, this time the judicial mafia has experimented on our comrades by applying an insidious and vengeful blackmail against them.
In addition to making the heaviest possible indictment against several of the accused, whose relation with Conspiracy of Cells of Fire members was solely limited to friendly contacts, they’ve prepared new guillotines.
The inquisitor Eftichis Nikopoulos (special appellate judge against terrorism) and the judicial councils that followed, have also put forward for trial relatives of political prisoners: Athena Tsakalou (the mother of CCF members Gerasimos Tsakalos and Christos Tsakalos), Evi Statiri (the partner of Gerasimos), and Christos Polidoros (the brother of CCF member Giorgos Polidoros), on charges of “membership in the terrorist organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire”!!!
Athena Tsakalou and Evi Statiri were originally remanded in March 2015, and then broke out of captivity.
Athena was released a month after her arrest, following the hunger strike of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire members and anarchist comrade Angeliki Spyropoulou. Six months later, Evi was also released from prison, following the hunger strike undertaken by her and her partner Gerasimos Tsakalos.
During the two hunger strikes, a multifaceted movement developed against the judicial coup, expressing solidarity by means of gatherings, banner drops, occupation of buildings, acts of sabotage and incendiary attacks…
Nevertheless, after the release of Athena and Evi, the solidarity movement gained half a victory.
Judge-executioners “granted” them a crippled freedom. Athena was exiled to Salamis Island, and Evi is restricted to one kilometer from her home by a “freedom distance-meter”.
At the same time, they have been prohibited from any communication with their relatives, thus isolating them behind invisible grids.
We see this strategy of Power of isolating political prisoners being broadened, as is the case with the recent visitation ban against Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis [whose friend and comrade was recently prohibited from visiting him in prison].
Similarly, the judicial mafia continues its sorcery against relatives of political prisoners, having remanded Maria Theofilou [the partner of Giorgos Petrakakos, as well as sister of imprisoned anarchist Tasos Theofilou].
On February 15th, Power will once again try to erect its guillotines against relatives of political prisoners.
They’ve made their intentions crystal clear by now. According to the accusatory dossier, which is over 10,000 pages, they’ve chosen to call only 20 witnesses to the stand (half of whom are anti-terrorist police officers), with the purpose of fast-tracking proceedings; it seems convictions have already been issued…
February 15th marks the beginning of a new wager for people in struggle, negators of Power, people in solidarity… Our wager is to nullify the Power’s vindictive plans, stand side by side with the comrades, and continue what we’ve started… To subvert the judicial coup and stand against the prosecution of political prisoners’ relatives.
Because this trial prefigures future persecutions. What is being tested today against relatives of political prisoners, tomorrow will be tested against friends, people in solidarity, people in struggle…
For this reason and all the reasons in this world, once again we are preparing to venture into new battles against the laws of cops, judges and the Power’s priesthood.
Our quiver contains many arrows, such as the recent memory of gestures against the fascist persecutions of political prisoners’ relatives, but also the fresh traces of actions for Black December, that have strayed from the silent paths of social peace.
In the face of challenges posed by the State and judicial mafia, we respond with the challenge of insurrectionist action. With the trial on February 15th as a point of encounter, to oppose the persecution of relatives, let’s make this New Year beginning our own restart – with international call-outs, assemblies, counter-information, demonstrations, occupations, acts of sabotage, attacks – for the complete overthrow of the existent. With not even a single moment wasted.
“Stone, iron, wood can be broken… but it is impossible to break a determined human being with a conscience.”
Solidarity with Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades and anarchist Angeliki Spyropoulou
Against the prosecution of political prisoners’ relatives
(Christos Polidoros, Athena Tsakalou, Evi Statiri)
At night of the 22/12 I sabotaged 3 ATMs in the wider area of Edinburgh. I used polyurethane foam to block all entrances and exits. This material expands and becomes solid after some time. In this way I attack the walls of my civilized existence. Wildness doesn’t exist in the ghost of Nature. The only thing that exists in something idealistic as this is the alienation of the civilized. Wildness doesn’t have a face, it manifests by the breaching of systematization. The attack doesn’t become effective when we confine ourselves in rigid binaries. The separation Nature – Civilization is evenly civilized. The intangible civilization is even more underhanded than the material one. When anti-civilization is seen only as insurrection against technology and defense of the sacred Nature then it is myopic and a product of societal alienation and not conscious choice.
This sabotage is the externalization of misanthropic feelings. Directed at those that will find in the morning a freezing of their normality even for a few hours and they will judge the perpetrator. The mass is putrid and maybe even more repugnant than those who dominate now, because either they complain cause their ghost of Justice is not satisfied or they just have become automatons of society. Through the mass the master exists, there is no other way. So in this context, with those who are on side of the oppressed I have nothing to say. With everybody else whichever their approach might be, if they haven’t been consumed by a new morality or other chains of the ego, I might have to say enough.
This sabotage is against society and the chains of intangible civilization. Against the ethos of prescribing of speech and action of either a way of thinking of internalization or compulsory rigid internationalization and homogenized purposes of some who make the chains of their culture ideology. The most important part of civilization is its pillars which are no other than the things that have been inscribed in each one of us. To oppose whichever dominant civilization with another still maintains remnants of society. Culture follows its own morals, customs and traditions. It is essentially opposed to the individuality. Individualities are not those who are bound with ideas, but only with their egos. The ego is the only essence that can oppose state, society and civilization. Its diversity is infinite. It has no sacred, no master, no morality. It is the first step towards the complete destruction of the existent.
Actions unfortunately do not speak on their own and the perception needs to be deep like each ones abyss. I know that with this action of mine I don’t change anything that I hate but I change things inside me. It is the outburst inside my own abyss and the responsibility claim inside isolation. Inside the insignificance of existence the only meaningful moments are these that an ego or conscious individualities create for themselves. Anything else is a product for consumption. In my opinion those who consciously fight against the existent never need an excuse to seek coordination and act. They don’t wait for right times, or have the need of the remembrance of specific events to act. I greet the comrades Panagiotis Argyrou and Nikos Romanos who made the call for a Black December from Greece.
Heading towards nothing…
Cell of anarchist and nihilist conscience ”Falcon Of Chaos”
Responsibility claim & supplementary communiqué,
originally published January 4th 2016:
On the night between the 17th and 18th December 2015, we placed an explosive device (containing 8kg of gunpowder) at the police “school” of Brescia. A symbolic action intended to cause material damage.
We took action at such an hour to avoid harming people indiscriminately.
With this action, we’ve opened up our own projectuality of Anarchist attack, as Anarchist Cell acca (C.A.A.) affined with Black International, and we join the call for action for a BLACK DECEMBER.
We join this path because:
We like the idea of an international coordination of anarchists for direct action.
Our idea of “complicity” goes beyond groups and grouplets.
We use the means we see fit, seeking to increase intensity by paying attention to the smallest details of action. In this regard this act did zero material damage, but it’s important that we arm our selforganisation, and especially now, that we sense a great resignation among anarchists in Italy.
We attacked one of the armed wings of the state. Cops from all over Italy and other states are being trained in this “school”. This is also a small signal against the war.
We stand in solidarity with people who struggle against all states and the Capital.
Our thoughts go to so many comrades who’ve been repressed, locked up, tortured or killed in the present and the past. In solidarity with all prisoners in struggle.
This is a signal of complicity with people who’ve been locked up: Alfredo for having shot Adinolfi; Chiara (NO TAV anarchist) for the attack against the construction site [in Chiomonte]; Nicola Gai, who kneecapped the administrator of Ansaldo [Nucleare] together with Alfredo, and it was the least he deserved; Nico, NO TAV anarchist, ……… .
Monica and Francisco, who resist in Spanish galleys with simplicity and dignity.
Tamara Sol, who showed us how to take revenge for the loss of comrades.
Nikos [Romanos] for his simple and humble contribution to a call for struggle.
The comrades of the CCF.
The comrades who struggle in prison and outside.
A response to the text entitled “Under pressure” [“Sotto pressione”; originally published on December 18th 2015]:
The main incentive for action is not the pressure that makes one explode, but the unlimited passion that liberates.
This is what made us arm ourselves that night in Brescia: It’s the passion of trying to liberate ourselves from exploitation; it’s the passion for a life worth living; it’s the passion for freedom.
They’re passions and desires transformed into action, some of the most wonderful gestures of life in the face of the pervasive banality of the spectacle. This is the unlimited passion that exploded that night in Brescia.
We ask those who wrote that text these questions:
Don’t the actions speak for themselves?
Why speak now about the actions?
We did not enjoy reading “this is the pressure that exploded into the night in Brescia” with regard to this action, although it was said in “good faith.” We have not lived it like this.
Actions in themselves do not always speak for themselves, and this is the proof.
Anarchist Cell acca
Note from Contra Info: Their name is Cellula Anarchica acca, where acca is the eighth (silent) letter of the alphabet, /h/, but may also mean “nothing” (nought, zero). We have no clue what it stands for, so we’ve left the word untranslated.
In the night of New Year’s Eve, we torched some parked vehicles of the Federal Customs Administration (Zoll) in solidarity with all the comrades who are afflicted by repression and cannot be with us, and at enmity with the States, from which this repression emanates.
We chose customs as it is an executive authority of the German Ministry of Finance – who would shed a single tear?
We take into consideration that we can’t bring down the State and Capital only with such actions, but nevertheless we want to put a spoke in their wheel at any given opportunity. We will not avoid confronting our enemies due to constraints of circumstances.
We’ve noticed that comrades embraced the calls for Black December in some countries, and each of these attacks have warmed our hearts – so we gladly join them.
We wish all comrades a combative new year, and lots of strength to those prosecuted by repressive authorities to withstand this period.
Friends of undeclared work
Received January 3rd along with the image:
“Combative memory defines us as individuals taking a stand in our negation of the existent, forces us to push the memory of our fallen comrades beyond reflecting on how they were snatched from us, bringing them into our everyday lives in many forms and individual initiatives without giving in to resignation in the face of death or to oblivion. To bring new life to their insurgent lives, through actions, also to remind those who took their lives that the comrades live in each one of us and that we will always despise the role of those who chose to become defenders of the present system of dominion.”
– Nataly Casanova
On New Year’s Eve, about 20 individuals gathered in Bloomington, Indiana for a noise demonstration at the county jail. After brief discussion and preparation, as well as side-eyed glances and giggles from stumbling young people, the black-clad crowd walked a few blocks to the jail to show our solidarity with those held inside its walls. Banners were unfurled, black flags flew, and words of solidarity were shouted. The response from those inside came almost immediately: pounding on the walls and windows of the building. Dozens of smoke bombs and fireworks were set off, their sound echoing through the streets and colors lighting up the night. Approaching midnight, a dumpster was rolled into the street and set on fire. Sparks and whistles from several fireworks joined the flames in the dumpster, noise from the prisoners, and cheers from us.
Seeing the lights of police cars, the group scattered. Police gave chase, threatening with tasers those running away. Unfortunately, one comrade was tackled and arrested. Facing a few misdemeanors, they were bailed out early the following morning and are recovering with help from their friends.
We see this as a slight escalation of street activity in Bloomington, and an interrogation of how we relate to the BPD, who we often assume will remain relatively hands-off during demonstrations, but who nonetheless keep us largely passive.
Solidarity to all prison rebels and anarchist prisoners around the world. From Bloomington to Barcelona, from Montreal to Melbourne, from Santiago to São Paulo, from Montevideo to Minneapolis, from Alabama to Athens: struggle continues until all prisons and precincts are rubble at our feet!
With the fires of anarchy in our eyes!
For a Black December!
For a Black New Year!
We set up homemade stingers on the road used by the mine security forces to harass and distract them whilst we set fire to various bundles of cables and some wiring boxes by the side of the train tracks which are used to transport brown coal from the mine to nearby power stations. Halting the trains for some time.
Then we put the torch to a telecommunications mast on the edge of the mine and watched from a distance as the entire device went up in flames and continued to burn for over an hour.
And finally, just after midnight we attacked again, setting up more stingers on the security road closer to their compound. We then set fire to a burning barricade of car tyres and a large pile of logs by the roadside to lure security into our traps before retreating again into the forest to the sound of fireworks.
By making use of homemade stingers (wooden boards with large nails through them) we send a warm and rebellious embrace to imprisoned anarchist comrade Emma Sheppard on the anniversary of her arrest.
We carried out these attacks in solidarity with the ongoing resistance to the mines expansion from within the Hambacher Forest.
Strength and courage to all anarchist fighters, on the inside and outside.
Happy Black December.
– some anarchists
Note from Contra Info:
Emma is due to be released from prison on restrictive license conditions.
In the final hours of December 2015 we attacked the offices of the defense contractor BAE Systems on River Boulevard in Richmond with paint and sledge hammers.
BAE Systems make billions from war and their technology is responsible for countless civilian deaths worldwide.
We also carried out this action in solidarity with anarchist prisoners held hostage by states worldwide and in solidarity with Indigenous prisoners held hostage by the colonist ‘authorities’ here in so-called ‘Australia’ – all of whom are political prisoners.
Black December is everywhere!
Anarchist Office Refurbishment Cell
The book “Entrenamiento físico en condiciones de aislamiento [Physical Fitness Training in Solitary Confinement Conditions]” is out now, within the context of the international call for a Black December, a material intended for imprisoned and prosecuted comrades of the social war, a text with physical fitness workout routines and programs, an aspect so useful and necessary in the struggle against authority.
Social centres, spaces, publishing projects or individualities that wish to acquire the book in printable format (in Spanish) can write to irakunditxs14 (at) riseup.net
The poster reads:
The prison door opens, and now he knows what to do; keep the memory alive, leave no space for oblivion, never forget the comrades left behind, pick up the thread of insurgency from where it was interrupted, pour the poison of insubordination into the reproduction networks of the capitalist society.
For lasting anarchist insurgency!
No truce with Power and its puppets!
For a Black December!
CHANGE OF YEAR AT KORIDALLOS PRISONS
THURSDAY 31st DECEMBER 2015 at 23:00
Anarchists Inside and Outside the Koridallos Walls
On Wednesday 23rd of December there was a demo in the city center of Amsterdam for a black december. It passed through the epicentre of consumerism with slogans such as “Against normality and apathy, long live anarchy”. Thousands of flyers were spread, shopfacades were painted.
reportback in Greek included here
Today (December 31st 2015), at dawn, we attacked a Porsche car dealership with two Molotov cocktails.
In the face of the voluptuousness and frivolity of capitalism, we choose to respond with fire.
With this action we adhere to the international call for a Black December.
That the fire continues…
Black December burns in Berlin’s ThyssenKrupp
«We are in the process of a qualitative upgrade of the “civilised warfare,” where one’s happiness coexists with the torment of another . . . Within this environment, anarchy acquires a strategic possibility to set fire to all forms of political representation, to become a front of open unorthodox war with domination, which will turn the diversity and pluralism of viewpoints within the anarchist community into an advantage and bring the oppressed – those who decide to break the chains of their submission – together at centres of struggle created. . . .
A month of coordinated actions in order to know one another, take to the streets and smash the displays of department stores, occupy schools, universities and city halls, distribute texts that will spread the message of rebellion, place incendiary devices against fascists and bosses, hang banners on air-bridges and main avenues, flood the cities with posters and flyers, blow up houses of politicians, throw Molotov cocktails at cops, tag the walls with slogans, sabotage the smooth flow of merchandise amid Christmas, loot the displays of abundance, carry out public activities, and exchange experiences and rationales around various topics of struggle.
To meet one another in narrow urban streets, and paint on the ugly buildings of banks, police stations, multinationals, military camps, television studios, courts, churches, charitable corporate groups with ashes. . . .
B l a c k D e c e m b e r does not seek merely to become some days of rioting; instead, what we want is to create – through multiform and multilevel anarchist action – an informal coordination platform on the basis of which the subversive impulse will be brought together; a primary attempt for an informal coordination of anarchy, beyond the predetermined frameworks, which aspires to build on this particular experience of struggle so as to set both subversive proposals and fighting strategies in motion. . . .»
wrote Nikos Romanos and Panagiotis Argirou weeks ago from the prisons where they are being held.
The balance sheets of 2015 look shiny for the big armaments corporations; a win-win situation has arisen for the industry, with the participation of the German Federal Navy in the EUNAVFOR Med and the entry into the war in Syria. They will get earnings from military goods wear and tear and consumption in a civil war, and simultaneously profit from combating refugees.
To restrain the unhindered expansion of these (armaments) corporations may constitute a strategic component of calls such as that of Black December; this is why, in the early hours of December 29th, we destroyed a ThyssenKrupp vehicle by fire in Berlin’s neighbourhood of Friedrichshain.
This action, framed in the context of Black December, is dedicated to fighters of words whose texts may contribute to arsons all over the world, solidarity circles who are fighting for the survival of prisoners, and refugees with whom we’ll jointly smoke out the minions of the European Union in the Mediterranean Sea, along the fences of Calais or the Spanish enclaves, and in their air-conditioned offices in metropolises.
Informal pyromaniac conspiracy
TO ALL COMRADES WHOSE ACTS HAVE GIVEN ME MOMENTS OF FREEDOM
“Only in those moments when our tension for freedom encounters with praxis do we really manage to live anarchy, here and now. Unfortunately the dream we carry in our hearts is too great to avoid the risk of finding ourselves up against the monstrous wall of authority raised in defense of the state and capital. When we really put our life at stake, inevitably we end up confronting the hardness that’s inherent in the struggle: death and prison.”
Nicola Gai; anarchist comrade held prisoner in Italy, who has assumed responsibility for his participation in the attack claimed by Olga Cell of FAI-FRI (the shooting of Roberto Adinolfi, the chief executive of Ansaldo Nucleare)
Shortly before the end of the trial of the 4th consecutive case against the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, and against me personally as an anarchist who has assumed responsibility for his participation in the CCF, I’d like to say some things not to the court, but rather to all comrades whose action gave impetus and substance to the Phoenix Project.
For obvious reasons, all imprisoned members of the CCF saluted the comrades of Sole–Baleno Cell (a cell of sympraxis between Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and Consciousness Gangs), a gesture which initially cost us our prosecution for incitement [in Greek, moral instigation] to 4 Acts of the Phoenix Project: explosive attack on personal vehicle of the Koridallos prison director in Athens, explosive attack on personal vehicle of a chief warden serving at Nafplion prison, incendiary attack on a hotel unit in Indonesia, and parcel-bomb mailing to a former commander of the antiterrorist police unit in Athens.
The competent authorities realised in hindsight that the accusation of inciting the attack in Indonesia, claimed by Anger Unit/International Conspiracy for Revenge FAI/IRF, would never stand up in court, so the particular charges were dropped even before the stage of court proceedings.
However, as far as the other attacks are concerned, I am offended by the incitement charges brought against me, because as an anarchist I abhor hierarchical relationships of any level; on the other hand, these charges help me understand that domination feels threatened when anarchist guerillas, even from a position of captivity, seek to make their mark and connect with the struggle outside the prison walls by saluting the hostilities waged by their comrades. Domination feels threatened when it realises that the condition of incarceration is not nearly enough to crush the combative energy of anarchist prisoners. This alone is enough for entire indictments for incitement to attacks to be drafted. In no case, however, is it enough to break my morale and my will to connect myself with all comrades holding a combative position.
Therefore, on the occasion of the end of this trial, I’d like to salute afresh the beloved comrades that have set the Conspiracy of the Black International of anarchists of praxis in motion everywhere, all over the Earth, through all the attacks claimed as part of the Phoenix Project: from Chile to Russia, and from Germany to Indonesia.
Thus, instead of an apologia before the judges, I choose to send from inside my prison cell a flaming hug to all those who have opted to attack and who have armed Anarchy with fire and gunpowder.
Every single activity, every single action gave me strength and illuminated my heart with the flame of anarchist insurgency.
From the country of captivity, I felt every single comrade close to me who’ve undermined social normalcy in every possible way from the trenches of conspiratorial attack.
The momentum that manifested itself in the Phoenix Project has left a significant legacy that, studying its impact, made me realise the new prospects of struggle opened up for Anarchy when it overcomes borders and distances and chooses to clash frontally with domination on the basis of Informal Organisation.
It was one of those important elements that prompted me to contribute again to a fresh proposal for a new position in anarchist combat through the call for a Black December, a call I made jointly with anarchist comrade Nikos Romanos.
I believe the prospects that were opened up by the Phoenix Project, and the informal coordination of anarchist direct action internationally, can evolve into something more threatening to Power if they encounter with the rest of the range of anarchist practices, composing together a mosaic of anarchist polymorphous action worldwide that will constantly go against Power.
So all I have to say to your Justice is that morally, politically and values-wise I find myself with all my heart in every anarchist attack against domination. If you like you can charge me with inciting to the perpetual anarchist war against every form of Power, as I do charge you with inciting to every act of authoritarian barbarity signed in the name of Justice. Nothing could give me greater satisfaction than the joyous news that a bullet was nailed to your head as a reward for your miserable life.
Long live the Phoenix Project
Long live Black December
Long live the Informal Coordination of Anarchist Polymorphous Action across the world.
member of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire FAI/IRF
Below, anarchist prisoner Nikos Romanos gives his account of what preceded the assassination of Alexandros Grigoropoulos on December 6th 2008.
Requiem for a Journey of No Return
Today, I will begin to speak about what should be imprinted as an authentic testimony of the soul to revolutionary memory. My own soul’s testimony concerning an incident which became the detonator for the intensification of the armed assault on the winter palaces of Power; an incident which contributed decisively to create a point of no return, for those who armed themselves and packed their suitcases with dreams and hopes for a world of freedom. I too packed such a suitcase with my hatred, along with a pair of clothes and some keepsakes, and left my home permanently [in April 2010] one day before the police came in looking for me, to handcuff me and take me to court for a testimony in the cops-murderers trial. I burned the bridges of my past life, and joined the ranks of clandestine anarchist struggle. I was then sixteen years old, but I was fully aware of my actions, and although I had a much higher moral stature than all these ridiculous weaklings who sat in that courtroom, I knew that the moment to say everything that needed to be said had not yet arrived, as it was neither the right time, nor was I really consciously ready to lift such a historical weight. That’s why I preferred to stay silent and devote myself to the war against Power, the same war in which, seven years later, I find myself held captive, yet holding the same combative position. I am now lifting this historical weight, which I temporarily avoided but never abnegated dealing with.
That trial [of the first instance] which I refused to attend but also their appeal’s trial which will follow attempt to put an end – in the form of institutional ratification – to an aspect of subversive history, an aspect that shamed democracy as it revealed the scent of death that it is dragging behind it. This particular aspect – an integral part of a history that will continue to exist as long as the oppressed will rise up against their oppressors – unfolded in the evening of December 6th 2008 at the intersection of Messolonghiou and Tzavela St. in Exarchia.
What I am about to say are in no way said to facilitate the judicial mechanisms to issue a future fair verdict. I believe in neither the laws, nor the courts, nor the prisons emerging threateningly to discipline those who deviate from the legal order, burying them alive between cement and bars.
I have the courage to believe in the strength of free humans, in the possibility of their self-determination in a world of universal subordination, in the prospect of anarchist revolution and the practice of constant anarchist insurgency.
I will begin my narrative with a view to addressing history, standing worthily before it, contributing to the creation of an untainted legacy that won’t stain the memory of our dead, and sending a guerilla signal to those who are interested in becoming actors that will shape its development accordingly. With constant struggle, with all means, with a passion for freedom and a hatred of those who maintain the new order of things, that’s painted in the blood of those who resisted its omnipotence.
The swan song for my friendship with Alexandros begins…
Alexandros and I met in school, and started to spend a lot of time together as we lived relatively close to each other. He was a person who detested the respectabilities and hypocrisy prevailing in our school environment. He was always looking to find ways to break out of this condition, and that’s how we hit it off. We came to know each other well playing truant, to escape from the routine of school boredom, going on endless walks to explore parts of the city that were unknown to us, having daily conversations and discussions about everything that puzzled us. As time passed, we continued to walk on paths of broadened pursuits and intense questioning of the world that surrounded us.
At around the age of 14, we noticed anarchists for the first time; we enjoyed watching television footage of clashes between demonstrators and police; to our immature perceptions, which we had just begun to form, this seemed as a way of resisting the everyday injustice of social inequalities. Besides, for us, who were loitering in parks and squares all day, it was not so hard to dislike police – even instinctively, one might say. We had seen cops humiliate migrants in downtown Athens; we had witnessed how offensively cops behaved towards substance-dependent and homeless people. Of course, these are things that anyone can see by taking some strolls in central Athens. The contradiction we were experiencing, however, was when we saw cops bow down and lick the dust from the feet of the rich where we were residing [in one of the wealthiest northern suburbs of Athens]. It was then that we really understood how duplicitous maggots and cowardly the whole disgusting lot of them are.
So we took the decision to go together on a demonstration [downtown] to see up close everything we had been observing from afar, of which we had developed a keen interest. And that’s what we did. I remember that the first march we had joined was that of 17th November [annual demo commemorating the 1973 Athens Polytechnic uprising] in 2007, where there had been clashes with cops, in which we too participated. Of course, we were very hesitant back then, simply following and imitating the steps of people who clashed with police. We saw up close MAT anti-riot cops savagely beating people at random, felt the asphyxiation caused by tear gases, and for the first time witnessed police repression of demonstrations. Once the march was finished we went to Exarchia, where we sat until late evening discussing the events with an enthusiasm for what had just occurred; the kind of enthusiasm felt by all people when they begin to come into contact with the authentic side of life.
An important reference point for both of us was the antifascist demonstration that took place on February 2nd 2008. It was the day that the Golden Dawn had called a rally for Imia [nationalist commemoration of the 1996 conflict between Greek and Turkish states over the Imia/Kardak islets in the Aegean Sea], and anarchists had called for a counter-demonstration aiming to clash with the fascists.
We too were there and we saw the fascists come forth from behind the lines of MAT anti-riot squads to stab comrades; we witnessed how the pigs of police coordinated their incursions with the fascists. We saw comrades being stabbed, fascists being crushed by comrades with axes and heavy wooden sticks. And, lest we forget, those who were on the fascist frontline are now members of the Greek parliament – I am referring to Elias Panagiotaros, Yannis Lagos and Elias Kasidiaris, before they disowned their past and invoked legality and democracy.
Once the clash with fascists and cops was finished, we barricaded ourselves inside the Rectorate [of Athens University in Propylaea, Panepistimiou Street, Athens] and waited there until late evening; then we all left the building together in a demonstration. That demo was attacked by cops as soon as it hit the street, and there were detentions, arrests and injuries.
Ever since that day, we hung out in Exarchia almost on a daily basis and started to make contact with others who frequented the neighbourhood. We began to read anarchist zines and pamphlets, to check up on counter-information webpages, to frequent squats like the [now-evicted] Villa Amalias squat and the Prapopoulou squat. At the same time, we took part in all demonstrations of that period concerning welfare reforms and in university students’ protests against the known Framework Act [for higher education], solely motivated by the prospect of clashes and disturbances in the streets, which we joined more willingly and determinedly each time.
During the same period, along with some other school students, we created an anarchist collective by the name anarchist attack of school students and held some assemblies on the topic of schools and the role of education with regard to the social machine’s functioning.
I also remember that, a few days before 17th November 2008, we had participated in an attack against the PASOK Youth, who had their offices in Exarchia at the time. The incident lasted quite a while because the members of PASP [university student faction of PASOK party] had hired a bunch of bouncers to protect them – just as they had done in previous years during 17th November marches, where their henchmen had in fact attacked anarchist blocs. So basically the confrontation was not with the PASOK Youth themselves but with the bouncers guarding their offices. In the end we managed to reach their offices, and those of them who didn’t lock themselves inside in time got what was coming to them. As a result, a PASP student who was carrying the [blood-stained national] flag of the Polytechnic had a broken arm in all the pictures that adorned newspaper front pages the next day.
Another incident I retrieve from my memory is a solidarity gathering at Evelpidon courts [in July 2008] for the then-imprisoned anarchists [Marios] Tsourapas and [Chrysostomos] Kontorevythakis, who stood trial for an incendiary attack [on a patrol vehicle] at offices of the municipal police. Once the court session ended, the solidarians who had attended that hearing left on foot for Exarchia. At the height of Pedion tou Areos Park, a scuffle with two cops of the Z motorised unit broke out, and the police helmets that they left behind on their motorcycles were taken. During the scuffle, the cops had pulled out their guns and fired several times not only into the air but also aiming at the crowd to compel us to run away.
Next frame in this narrative is that damned evening of December 6th. I was sitting with Alexandros and some other folks on the Messolonghiou pedestrian street, as we did almost on a daily basis.
After a while a comrade came to us and suggested we go to Charilaou Trikoupi Street and wait for a patrol car to pass by so we could throw some stones he had picked up. We did go there and waited while Alexandros stood further behind us. Shortly afterwards a patrol car passed by, with Korkoneas and Saraliotis inside.
I didn’t know then that the fullness of time had come for all of us; it was the moment that would change everything. The hourglass of life was turned upside down the moment a stone hit the police car of Korkoneas. We went back and sat on the pedestrian street, with the rest of the folks, while Korkoneas and Saraliotis passed in the patrol car from Zoodochou Pigis Street to see who had attacked them; at that point, we threw some small objects at the patrol car; once they had glanced at us, they drove away, parked the patrol car next to the MAT anti-riot squad that guarded the offices of PASOK party, and returned to the intersection of Tzavela and Zoodochou Pigis St. on foot.
Once we saw the cops approaching, we got up to leave, as we thought that the MAT anti-riot squad would come with them, as is usually the case. At that moment the two cops began to swear at us, and that’s when we noticed they had come on their own, without any supporting police force. So some of us moved towards them, and Alexandros, who had gone ahead, hurled some of the beer bottles we had been drinking from. After only a few seconds, Korkoneas pulled out his gun and concluded by means of bullets the specific confrontation which had been initiated just a little while ago.
A bullet in the heart of Alexandros to close the circle of the statist machine’s omnipotence. A bloodstain on the Messolonghiou pedestrian street to open the circle of rebellion that wrecked the legal order and sowed chaos and anarchy in all cities throughout Greece.
Quite logically, the defence lawyers have tried and will try to claim it was a tough break, a ricocheted bullet, an isolated incident. From my perspective, as contradictory as it may sound, this serves my own desires as well – obviously on a judicial rather than a political level. I do not believe in the institution of incarceration, as I consider it to be one of the tools of horror, democratically administered in doses, which domination has in its arsenal to ensure smooth reproduction.
I believe in the revolutionary right to take the law into one’s own hands and in everyone’s effort to square accounts with their enemies on their own, away from the mediation of cops, judges, laws, prisons, the scientifically thought-out repression, the technocratic ugliness that stains the beauty of wild instincts and free will. For me, the cops-murderers consequently deserve a chaotic prospective probability that revenge will be taken for all the lost souls seeking their own violent deliverance. This is the only justness in my own value system.
Besides, we do not torture people like the contemporary authoritarian civilisation systematically does – the greatest monstrosity in the history of humankind, which has even managed to normalise death and put words and meanings at the service of its domination through the propaganda mechanisms of the always objective global information centres.
Because all of us, enemies of Power, may have come to terms with prison or even death as a potential eventuality, but we have never accepted death’s existence as a news story in the constructed virtual reality with which we are being bombarded.
The most ridiculous part of it all is the fact that the propaganda mechanisms of domination attempt to portray murders committed by cops as isolated incidents caused by deranged personalities, as accidents that always occur due to negligence.
Police murders are neither isolated incidents, nor a Greek phenomenon. They are an extreme manifestation of the democratic imposition upon social margins, poor-devils, delinquents, insubordinates, migrants. Furthermore, police murders confirm that the liberatory war exists, whenever they target insurgents who arm themselves and fight domination with the flame of freedom burning in their hearts.
These killings are a logical consequence of cops’ perceptions of their role, perceptions with which these individuals are indoctrinated to staff the repressive machines that shield the social machine’s orderly functioning.
Police firearms do not go off with murderous intentions only in Greece; they murder 15-year-olds in Turkey because they participated in anti-government demonstrations, they murder 16-year-olds in Italy because they didn’t pull over at a police traffic stop, they murder mothers and children in Palestine, they murder dozens of African Americans in the US on purely racist motives, they murder migrants in Sweden’s suburbs, they murder youth in England’s poorest hoods; they murder repeatedly and serially in all corners of the planet to impose social peace.
And if the examples I’ve brought are known to many, because they have been linked with small-scale and large-scale uprisings in response to statist murders, they do not cease to be a mere drop in the ocean compared to the storm of murderous crackdowns launched by security corps in defence of capitalist domination.
If we close our eyes and ears to the ceaseless flow of dominant propaganda, we’ll be able to listen to the thousands of anonymous deaths in police stations, terrestrial and maritime border areas, concentration camps, psychiatric institutions and prisons, war zones across the Middle East, and sweatshops that exterminate contemporary slaves. Anyone can hear the cries of people who are being tortured in police cells, who commit suicide in a confinement facility out of desperation, who are sunk by coast guard cops and drowned in the cold waters of the Mediterranean Sea, who are crippling their bodies over multinationals’ production machines in third world countries, who are buried under rubble after blind aerial bombardments conducted by capitalist empires.
Consequently, all of the public discourse that currently revolves around the value of human life is, at its root, hypocritical and deeply offensive.
From our side, we have a very different approach to what is normally acceptable and how human life is valued, in relation to how these concepts are defined by dominant norms.
We don’t think it’s normally acceptable that people in Western societies eat their food with apathy in front of TV sets, watching warcrafts as they blindly bomb third world territories. Instead, we believe it’s normally acceptable to transfer this war to the interior of urban centres, creating a political cost to the murderous interventions of dominant superpowers.
We don’t think it’s normally acceptable that civilians are bombed as a war strategy by states, so as to crush the morale of resisting peoples such as that of Palestine. Instead, we believe it’s normally acceptable to strike by any means those junior or senior soldiers who are manning military operations against civilians.
We don’t think it’s normally acceptable that all this is presented as humanitarian interventions of dominant superpowers to ensure peace. We do not consider it normally acceptable that the entire civilised world is shedding crocodile tears for the dead in France, while the same states and their secret services – who are drowning entire populations in blood with their interventions – are those that demonstrably trained, equipped and funded the monster that is Islamofascism, so as to serve their own interests; a monster which, as has repeatedly happened before, is autonomised and turns against its benefactors once it acquires power.
We do not consider it as normally acceptable that the vultures of financial lobbies plunder the natural resource wealth of destabilised countries in the name of peace and growth.
But we do consider it as normally acceptable to attack with all available means against bosses, statist officials, bankers, those who hold positions of political and economic power, those armed to protect the murderous social peace, representatives of the judiciary, executives of multinational companies, all persons and infrastructure that maintain and reproduce a system responsible for all the existent ugliness on this planet.
These are differences that can never be bridged but can only clash with each other to the bitter end; they constitute the evolution of insurgency and counterinsurgency, as well as the advanced dialectics being developed within each camp.
As for our side, this way creates a gap between domains where social control is organised and bloodied flowers of apathy bloom, a dangerous gap that aims to crush organised oppression and the Power’s violence, the unpredictable factor, the statistical error on the diagrams of technocrats, the uninvited guest in the form of the internal enemy that organises and arms itself to strike the enemies of freedom.
This is the lasting anarchist insurgency, and its philosophy infects the authoritarian fabric, spreading anarchy in the metropolises of capitalism. And it is clear that it neither capitulates, nor retreats, but is only redeployed to attack again and again. Because neck or nothing is not an innocuous phrase painted on a wall, but the meaning that encapsulates the lives of those comrades, in these times and other eras, who fell in combat with the enemy. This is why constant anarchist insurgency will continue to besiege domination, until the last authoritarian is hanged by the guts of the last bureaucrat.
So we’re back to the point where combative minorities overturn the mass production of deterministic conclusions, where everything is possible, where unannounced intrusions into the territory occupied by Power afflict its military and political supremacy.
Because it’s not enough to talk about anarchy if one is not ensuring its survival through deeds against the state, capital, society and their civilisation; because anarchy will always be a war without limits against the odds that are dictated by “experts”.
For me, this has always been the issue at stake in the conflict; this was, is and will be the only solid reference source for analysing history.
Alexandros is now an integral part of this history; I cannot tell what he would’ve become if things had gone differently; besides, “what if” is nothing but an inner demon of the wounded. But I can speak for what Alexandros was until he fell dead by the bullets of that cop. In his short but adventurous life, he lived authentically; he was a rebellious youth, fascinated with the idea of anarchy, like those who nowadays occupy the city’s narrow streets, launch Molotov cocktails at cops, and torch patrol cars of the police; he was insubordinate and stubborn; a sincere person with a kind soul and selfless motives in whatever he did. He was a person who lived his passions and frustrations with intensity.
He loved and was loved by many comrades, and will always be a reference point for many people, most of whom are now held captive in the prisons of democracy. And he may no longer be with us, but I know that he continues to plan small-scale and large-scale rebellions with our own dead, Mauricio [Morales], Carlo [Giuliani], Sebastián [Oversluij], Michalis [Kaltezas], Lambros [Foundas], Christos [Tsoutsouvis] and dozens of other wonderful people who departed leaving their dreams unfulfilled.
To the question that may reasonably be asked – why is all this needed to be said right now – the answer is simple.
In today’s environment, where the velocity of historical time has derailed itself, where events are easily disconnected from the circumstances that gave birth to them, where reality is altered by the distorting lenses of publicists of every stripe, where everyday life is shaped according to the image that falls from the digital world on people’s heads, it’s a necessity that we keep revolutionary memory alive, that we make all its aspects known, without abandoning any of it to oblivion, which can only help its distortion.
As new circles of radical experiences are opened, there’s no better way to reinitiate anarchist insurgency than connect it with its rekindling point. Because it is a common assumption that a part of the generation of anarchists, with their small and large disagreements, who armed themselves after the December 2008 rebellion, and are now locked in the cells of Greek prisons, had as starting points the nights when rebels were behind barricades and anarchy breathed life between the damaged symbols of Power.
As our own subversive experiences are moved away from the scope of our everyday personal events in the routine of our living captivity, we attempt to create a connection point and, simultaneously, a starting point of a new journey. A point of connection with our historical and political origins, a new starting place where rebels will encounter one another, and will not occasionally take to the streets, but rather contribute to the creation of an informal platform of coordination and action within anarchy; where strategy calls for the permanency of rage, where revolutionary dialectics call for a wholehearted commitment to liberatory struggle.
Because Black December is not a staged repetition of previous insurrectional events, but rather a circle of struggle that connects the past with the present, in search of a future where our everyday life will be inundated with acts of attack and rebellion against Power.
Because, although our bodies are incarcerated between walls and bars, our souls are found in every part of the planet where flags of resistance are raised for a world of freedom. Because our hearts stubbornly continue to beat to the rhythm of wild freedom, next to the comrades of the Anarchist Insurgent Movement in Brazil, who, in their turn, have called for a Black December after setting fire to bank branches, next to the FAI cells and guerilla groups of comrades who go on the offensive, next to freedom fighters who combat Islamofascists in the territory of Rojava, next to anarchist comrades who self-denyingly risk their lives to help in the reconstruction of Kobanî, next to rioters in Great Britain whose rage manifests itself violently, breaking the suffocating social control, next to anarchists in Spain hit by anti-anarchist operations of the Spanish state, in the streets of Chile, where rebels clash with cops and blow up police stations, in the squares of Turkey, where our comrades have paid with their lives for the conflict with the state-mafia of Erdoğan, next to comrades in Belgium who lit fires of destruction in the streets of Brussels. Despite all kilometric distances our struggle is common, and we share the same joy and the same pains with all these people that disseminate the poison of freedom into the authoritarian social fabric.
Somewhere here I bring this narrative to an end.
That was Alexandros and that’s me. I do not regret anything and I still believe that the only dignified choice nowadays is that of polymorphous subversive struggle for anarchy. For all the reasons in the world, the confrontation between the world of freedom and the world of enslavement will continue to the bitter end.
Honour forever to all those killed in liberatory struggle!
For a Black December!
For the anarchist offensive against the world of Power!
Solidarity and strength to all anarchist prisoners!
Long live Anarchy!
PS. To end the mockery of the last days about an amendment for educational furloughs, that was allegedly drafted by SYRIZA’s gang of clowns to “benefit me personally”, let me just clarify that for the three years I find myself in prison I have never set foot outside, nor does this seem likely to happen, since it’s obvious that there is no way I will be granted leave from any prosecutors, whether their names are Nikopoulos or Perimeni. Therefore, SYRIZA’s communication tricks are cunningly done, to cultivate positive impressions among those leftist voters their party is left with, while playing it safe, since the trial of the case that keeps me an indictee [that is, awaiting sentencing; which is the authorities’ “special justification” for rejecting all applications for educational leave] will be over in a month’s time anyway; but the prison administration has made all too clear to me that I will continuously receive negative decisions as long as I continue to release texts and “bother” from the inside – what I will continue to do, because I do not intend to make concessions on my stance.
Solidarity Means Attack!
All day, evening and late into the night of December 22nd, a few longtime friends/accomplices in Saint Louis, MO tagged militant anti-police & anti-prison slogans, defaced multiple billboards, and stenciled black roses all over the metro area. This was done in solidarity with Greek comrades’ call for an international Black December.
In a reality of wage slavery, overproduction and overconsumption…
In a reality of borders, militarism, authority and religion…
In a reality where charity, apathy and despair seem to be the only answer…
In a reality where both the right and left have us trapped…
Let this December and afterwards initiate the attack against all oppressors and their institutions.
We see the murdering police.
We see the racist violence.
We see the economic system [being enforced].
We see the prison society.
But we will not stand there and look.
Let’s greet all those fighting worldwide.
Solidarity through struggle.
For a world of unlimited freedom.
For a Black December.
Originally published December 26th:
Responding to calls for a Black December through acts. Responding to our desires for freedom. Responding by attack against that which allows this oppressive and destructive system to continue.
During these last two weeks that have passed, at least 5 Eiffage construction company vans felt their tires emptied of the air that fills them. The act is simple, fast and efficient. A small knife concealed in the sleeve, a big whack on the side of the tyre and it delivers a vehicle that won’t go to work on time. Within 30 seconds in this manner, several vehicles can be immobilised. We know that one of these five vans got wing mirrors broken and its bodywork tagged.
If you don’t understand the choice of this target, find out more about Eiffage to understand the role this company holds in building prisons and infrastructure that allows capitalism to continue.
Another act painted a big smile on our faces.
Here are the facts; taking advantage of the night-time complicity of darkness and enjoying the absence of security on the terrain dedicated to the maxi-prison, absence probably due to the Christmas “Holidays”, some people chose to attack the fences that mark out the area of the maxi-prison (which will not happen). With blows from pliers about a hundred fences have been cut and twisted, opening access to the already imprisoned ground. Most fences are held in place by stakes fixed with concrete into the ground (by forcefully shaking these stakes you can make the concrete give way and pop out the stem from the ground).
But a whole section of the fences are only fixed together with small rectangular clips, that you often see to hold fences in place. All these ones have fallen, and can fall indefinitely. If they become secured into the ground, they can be cut.
We will not allow this system to continue. We will attack wherever the opportunity arises. For self-management of our lives. To try and save what could still be. For freedom.
We express our support to those who struggle on the ZAD in Haren and to those who struggle outside the zone. Our support also goes to those attacked by the justice of the powerful. All our support to those locked up in prisons as on the outside. To our accomplices, we embrace you strongly.
This is a minor act, one of many daily manifestations of our solidarity with imprisoned comrades. Against a North American anarchist scene of cynicism and internet chatter, we propose anarchy as lived struggle against power, operating on an informal basis, using all weapons available. Our imprisoned comrades are engaged in uncompromising struggle against the state – we refuse to let them fight alone.
We send strength to combative anarchists in Chile, Greece, Turkey, Mexico, France, Italy, Russia, Indonesia, Spain, Canada, the Czech Republic, the UK, Belarus, and everywhere else individuals and groups have translated theory into action. Even at this distance, the flames in your streets and prison cells keep us warm.
In memory of Sebastián Oversluij Seguel, Alexandros Grigoropoulos, Mauricio Morales, Kuwasi Balagoon, Lambros Foundas, and William Avalon Rogers.
Let’s renew the spirit of anarchist solidarity!
For a Black December!
Against every authority, with the fallen comrades in our memory;
freedom for all comrades kidnapped in the prisons.
For a Black December – Camila de Pompeya out onto the streets!
Note from Contra Info: On April 28th 2015, compañera Camila de Pompeya Sanhueza Olivares (21) was arrested in the city of Iquique together with another compañera (17), both accused of an incendiary attack against the Intendancy building of Tarapacá Region. Camila is currently held in pretrial detention, while the other juvenile comrade is under house arrest.
In the context of Black December, we carried out an artistic intervention-desecration at “holy sites” of Komotini. We also sabotaged bank ATMs and CCTV cameras throughout the city, rendering them unusable.
Freedom for all of us
No fighter in the hands of the State