Tag Archives: anti-patriarchy

[Portugal]”No one who doesn’t want your total liberation can be considered your ally”


If we do not extend the critique of fascism to democracy, capitalism, prisons, homelands, patriarchy, property, speciesism and any regime that involves being governed: we are condemning ourselves to a unique historical entanglement that only will eventually stop give way to an uninhabitable planet. The social democrats who are electoralists they are too comfortable – condemning the atrocities of the right and hiding their own – simply want to be on the streets and in government at the same time.

Authoritarian regimes gain ground quickly and efficiently because the goals they pursue are mediocre: there is no complexity in subjecting others through guns, taxes, lies, and propaganda – 90% of political projects are compromised with this (all necessary infrastructure is already built and functioning).

In reality, no one who treats you as a doctrinal mass, no one who understands the struggle as a victimizing hobby and alien to your creative and offensive ability, no one who does not want your total liberation can be considered ally.


in pdf here

in portuguese l spanish

Toulouse: Naked, drunk or isolated, we are not prey

In the night between the 28th and 29th April, the premises of La Dépèche Intéractive were attacked.

Naked, drunk or isolated, we are not prey!

La Dépèche isn’t an un-attackable fortress. All big companies have their weaknesses, its for us to be inventive, cunning and insightful enough, to find them. La Dépèche Intéractive is a subsidiary of La Dépèche group. This is enough for us to make them a target.

The reasons to hurt the media are uncountable. It’s even a widespread discourse of those who understood that the public opinion will never be our friend. This attack is a reaction to the publication of an article promoting the idea that “we, women” create the circumstance for our aggressors, in not embodying the desires of man’s model wrought, that want us to be silent, submissive, obedient and an object of consumption.

The hammers that this time aimed for windows – like they can aim for heads – arm our rage towards all those who reinforce this rape culture. This action is more of a stride in the never-ending path of our freedom from all oppressions. We clearly never repeat it enough; sexual assaults are not the isolated act of a dangerous individual who watches from an alley-way corner – but actually – if not a weapon, its often the threats and the correctional punishment, for all women who have taken part in rebellion in their life, or simply searching to exit the cage that is patriarchy. And its always the reflection of a world that envisages women as objects to submit.

The media instrumentalises us to distil fear, in creating a need for security which should be urgently met, with ever more control over our lives, cameras, DNA profiling. They don’t seek to protect us, this discourse is to lure us in, to increase their domination.

We don’t want to delegate our protection, but try to organise to defend ourselves, and attacking is one way to do that.

To imply, as Jean Cohadon did in his article, that alcohol and drugs are recurring problems with women – that can’t be dissociated from sexual violence and other aggressions that they are subject to – is holding their legs open whilst tormentors do their business. This mediocre newspaper, passionate about various facts and police operations, is one of the thousands of unpunished accomplices that nobody dreams, or dares, to attack. La Dépèche publish their article in their infamous rag, this is another.

Amongst women, we’re organising, so that one day we not only take on windows and walls, but also the people that hide behind them, who are the subject of our hatred. We want them to be in fear, so they know that their actions won’t pass without a response. We want them to think of all the pissed off women who watch them from an alley-way corner, who one day dream of thrusting a hammer into their hearts. They want us to be responsible for the horrors that they make us suffer, we want the fear to change sides.

This action is dedicated to all pissed off women, we hope that it warms your hearts.

So that actions multiply against the patriarchy!

At your hammers… Ready? Go!

some pissed off women

Spanish | Greek | German

[UK] Women and Trans* Week of Action Against the Prison Industrial Complex / Aduniad Menywod a Phobl Trans* yn erbyn y cyd-berthynas diwydiannol carchar

Prisons destroy lives. The British Government intend to build 9 new mega prisons by 2020, while more & more women and trans* folk are caged and brutalised in our prison system. The enormous weight of supporting loved ones in prisons is carried by us who emotionally, financially and practically labour to support people in prison while caring for those left behind. The prison industrial complex has been built on white supremacy. It is a racist institution with people of colour vastly over represented with growing racist border controls, raids & more. The prison system is part of the continuous state assault & long history of patriarchy & gender-conformity that we contend with every day.

This week is an attempt to reclaim our lives.

Click here to continue reading the call-out (also in Welsh).


Mae carchardai yn dinistrio bywydau. Bwriad Llywodraeth Prydain yw adeiladu 9 mega garchar newydd erbyn 2020, tra bod mwy o fenywod a phobl thrans yn cael eu caethiwo a’u trin yn giaidd yn ein system garchar. Mae’r pwysau enfawr o gefnogi’r sawl ydym yn eu caru yn y carchar yn disgyn arnom ni sydd yn llafurio’n emosiynol, ariannol ac yn ymarferol i gefnogi pobl sydd wedi eu carcharu tra yn ogystal â hyn rydym yn gofalu am y gweddill sydd wedi eu gadael ar y tu allan. Mae’r cyd-berthynnas diwydiannol carchar yn dwyn ein bywydau gennym. Mae hefyd yn sefydliad hiliol ble mae pobl nad ŷnt yn wyn eu croen yn sicr wedi eu gorgynrychioli. Mae’n rhan o ymosodiad parhaol a hanes hir o batriarchaeth a chydymffurfiaeth-rhywedd yr ydym yn ei frwydro pob dydd.

Mae’r wythnos hon yn ymgais at adennill ein bywydau.

in German

Volos, Greece: Introducing the anarcha-feminist group Femanifesta

On December 6th 2015, during the demonstration in the city of Volos, the anarcha-feminist group Femanifesta unfolded a banner reading “Discipline is over – Life becomes magical”, threw flyers, and chanted mainly but not only feminist slogans.

In this nation, where all men were born levendes [“stouthearted”], feminism is the stones we hurl back
Rapes, sexism and patriarchy – One day equality won’t be a utopia

Source: Mpalothia

Greece: Anarchist walk in central Athens

On November 7th 2015 at noon, amid Saturday crowds, a handful of us carried out an intervention from Exarchia neighbourhood and streets in the city centre, to Monastiraki and Thissio, wanting to express our solidarity with comrades who are under repression in different corners of the world, and specifically the territories of Brazil, Uruguay and the Spanish State.

“Solidarity with «La Solidaria» squat, Montevideo – From Uruguay to Greece, we are a same resistance”
“Strength to the repressed comrades – Always with the head held high”
“Not a step back in the feminist struggle – Solidarity with comrades in Porto Alegre, Brazil”
“No misogynistic attack without a response – Solidarity with comrades in Porto Alegre, Brazil”
“No misogynistic and racist attack left unanswered – Death to the State – Long live anarchy”

We placed banners in Portuguese, English, Spanish and Greek at the gates of the Athens Polytechnic School on the streets of Patission and Stournari, in Exarchia Square, and opposite the metro station in Thissio.

“Beware, patriarch, beware, sexist… feminisms are shaking the whole wide earth”
“We experience violence every day here, with every machismo, with every racism”
“I was a young girl, and there was unemployment… I became a rufiana [female snitch] who joined the police”
“Neither sexism nor transphobia, shit on every uniformed thug and patriarchy”
“International and libertarian struggle, let’s break misogyny in the streets”
“Liberation will be total, slaps and kicks for every rapist”
“We are many and we are everywhere, we’re going to storm the cities-prisons”
“From Greece to Brazil, down with statism, long live anarchy”

On our way, we also threw flyers (1, 2) in solidarity with the libertarian feminists in Brazil who responded with dignity and continuity of their action in the face of the brutal attack they suffered from cops during the 1st Autonomous and Feminist Book Fair in Porto Alegre.

We hung three banners for the same case; in Patission Street: “Not a step back in the feminist struggle – Solidarity with comrades in Porto Alegre, Brazil”; in Exarchia Square: “No misogynistic attack without a response – Solidarity with comrades in Porto Alegre, Brazil”; and in Thissio: “No misogynistic and racist attack left unanswered – Death to the State – Long live anarchy.”

The other banner in Patission Street was placed in solidarity with those raided, arrested or sent to pretrial detention in the recent prosecutorial operations of the Spanish State: “Strength to the repressed comrades – Always with the head held high.”

At the entrance gate in Stournari Street we hung a banner in solidarity with the autonomous social centre La Solidaria in Montevideo, Uruguay, currently threatened with eviction by the new owner because, according to the eviction notice, the building is “precariously occupied by an anarchist group.” The space, which is liberated since February 2012, has once again been targeted by repression, as the project – among others – resists urbanisation plans and real estate speculation in the district. The banner reads: “Solidarity with «La Solidaria» squat, Montevideo – From Uruguay to Greece, we are a same resistance.”

In Greek, German, Italian, Spanish, Portuguese

Brazil: Aftermath of the 1st Autonomous and Feminist Book Fair in Porto Alegre

Originally received November 2nd:

Since the beginning of FLIFEA [the 1st Autonomous and Feminist Book Fair in Porto Alegre], we suffered machist and fascist persecutions and aggressions, with threats, provocations and hostile presences, which were noticed and addressed at all time. But what happened this Sunday night (November 1st 2015) deserves a specific denunciation to point to the state violence that expresses the institutional misogyny, which violates women systematically.

On Sunday night an artistic workshop was taking place, attended by around 20 women, when a vehicle arrived with two policemen who supposedly came due to noise. They filmed and intimidated the women present who were talking to them, which generated protective reactions among the women, who tried to walk away and film the situation. Shortly afterwards, more vehicles arrived with more cops, who were extremely aggressive and markedly racist from the beginning, and tried to deter one of us in a violent manner, what triggered a series of physical assaults by the police, in which nine women were injured, four of them seriously and requiring medical attention.

Many aggressions occurred simultaneously, there were cops who even drew firearms – one of them pulled out a gun and threatened several of us saying “I’ll burn you.” Among the threatened in this situation, one of the women warned that she is pregnant, but this was not relevant to cops. Two [male] residents who were in the square at the time of the incident were also beaten with batons by the police. Women who were holding cell phones were particularly attacked, and two cell phones were stolen by the cops. Some of the women who attempted to flee were chased and knocked down, and could not escape the police aggressions, beaten with batons and kicks on the ground, while other women rushed to use their bodies as shields, trying to protect them and take them away. This scene was successively repeated, and amid beatings with batons the women made it to the vicinity of the nearest hospital, when the cops finally dispersed.

At no time were comrades left behind; we got safely together to write this report and call for solidarity from all people who are able to support us at this time. The fair is scheduled to continue its activities on Monday (November 2nd 2015), at the same place where these attacks occurred. Considering that women may arrive unaware of what happened, we have to be present and we’ll need all possible support. We’ll start the day with a round of conversation about this situation. We need the presence of as many people as possible to ensure the continuity of the fair this last day.* This is how people fight back, we will not keep silent and we’ll jointly resist not only in the dispute for the street and public space, but also against a system that does not accept the self-organisation of women and feels threatened by our unsubmissive existence. This incident has revealed a maximum of hatred that lies behind misogyny, and we feel that we need to confront all of this for the sake of our survival, for all of us who live the war of this world against women.

* Translation note: The last day of the event turned into a large protest march.

Public announcement about the police violence that occurred during the 1st Autonomous and Feminist Book Fair of Porto Alegre; originally published November 6th:

We are a collective of people formed through affections, friendships, affinities and moments and life experiences before, during and after the 1st Autonomous and Feminist Book Fair of Porto Alegre (I FLIFEA POA). The Fair had as its principal objective to exchange materials, life instances and experiences that could collectively incite discussion about feminisms and women’s autonomy in the face of institutions and in relation to their bodies. This objective was concretisised over the two days of activities, in which we were empowered among one another, we discussed, learned, laughed, and new ideas were able to emerge from the gathering. Then, together, many of us suffered police violence on the first night of November 2015. Among the battered were some of those who made up the organisative crew of FLIFEA, but not only. After the latest developments, we have lived a new form of self-management of shared experience where “the fair’s organisers” dissolved into the new collective writing this text, composed of those who were directly affected by the repression experienced on Sunday night.

That said, we express ourselves through this public announcement on the I FLIFEA POA blog, in a manner agreed between us as the only public expression of the group mentioned above. In accordance with this, none of us has granted nor will grant interviews to any communication vehicle [media outlet] and, although we receive legal assistance from feminist lawyers who work on a voluntary basis, they also do not represent us in the media. It is also important to note that we did not organise or marched alone during the act of November 2nd 2015, but instead we had the spontaneous support of many people who were sensitised by our situation, and that we have no relation whatsoever with the act the following day, November 3rd 2015. It gave us much strength and we’re very grateful for the support of people and organisations that have mobilised autonomously in relation to what occurred, and for us the large network of solidarity created is touching; however, it seems important to us that this network goes beyond our organisational dimension and, therefore, it is impossible that we be responsible for all the events triggered by the incident. We ask those who stand in solidarity with us not to speak in our name, and also, we ask respect in not making use of this fact for appropriation related to partisan political agendas, or individual ones.

We understand that the situation of police aggression we went through falls into a social context of mobilisation in the face of setbacks that have happened in policies for women and the growth of patriarchal conservatism in the public debate about the rights already conquered and yet to conquer by women and other minority groups. Both in discussions of institutional policies and in spaces of opinion formation, such as social networks [social media], various feminist agendas are being mobilised at this time, like the daily harassments we experience since childhood, our autonomy to decide on our bodies, the violence experienced in domestic spaces, and the possibility that women speak for themselves. At the same time, we realise that the repression we lived last Sunday generates commotion for different reasons, which we want to point out. First, the brutal violence exercised against women by cops, men, making abuse of authority through apparatuses of force (batons were used and guns were aimed right at our unarmed bodies), highlights the militarised and misogynistic logic that drives the action of this corporation. What happened to us also contributed to the recognition of everyday violence that women suffer, mobilising those already working to combat the causes of such violence, and also sensitising those who live or have lived this reality in their lives. Finally, we consider that what was also remarkable is the fact we were proposing to build a debate about feminisms in a cultural event in which our weapon was the construction of political ideas and complicity, and this process was brutally trampled by police aggression.

However, we want to stress important issues that contributed to the commotion generated by this incident. We realised it was mainly the fact that the assault occurred in a central neighbourhood of the city, against mostly white women, feminist activists, many of them university students. These labels of our social position were what made it possible for a police aggression to turn into a political fact of this size, and reflect the privilege we have in relation to many other cases invisible to the media, as the struggle of those who mobilise against police violence in the country (black people, trans, peripheral, peasants, indigenous, in a street situation, in a situation of prostitution). So, we have a responsibility to remember that, while for many of us this is an eventual fact in our lives, for many others it is part of a daily routine marked by police violence – among many others forms of violence – in which the death threats are actually fulfilled. We know that this happens because, in our society, there is a differentiated valorisation of the lives and dignity of persons, where there are lives that are worth more than others, lives that deserve to be lived, while others are understood as disposable, mainly by the State that uses its armed wing to act violently in various different ways. This police conduct that happens daily in peripheral contexts, and promotes the genocide of the black population, could be observed during the incident on Sunday night, since it was clear that the target chosen for the first physical assault was one of the few black women who were present at the time, confirming the practices and the racist character of the institution.

The repercussion of police violence we suffered has affected us in various different ways. We have felt coerced to proceed in a specific way within the legal system to establish publicly the legitimacy of our report. We see some legal procedures within all this as violent to us, but we also understand the necessity to make use of these channels of denunciation, even though we are aware of their limitations. We claim, once again, that our temporality and our liberty to decide how we will conduct the situation be respected. We want to emphasise, however, that what makes a fact publicly legitimate need not only be the procedures of the law provided by the State (that often vulnerabilise and expose the victims rather than protect them), but also the strength of our story, the marks we recognize on one another’s bodies and our capability of articulating with an extensive network of solidarity that has given us so much support. Those who experience such kind of violence in their daily lives know the truth of facts, know that pictures of the bruises do not sufficiently illustrate what it means to suffer such violence in all spaces, which is what was being tested in the square when the cops arrived, a matter we wanted to address in the theatrical intervention that day. This intervention was, furthermore, meant to denounce and visualise the systematic and constant murder of women that occurs at the hands of men – feminicide – both in the domestic-family sphere and the institutional, statist and military context. The discussion of this concept – feminicide – is very recent and is the result of exhaustive work of denunciation by women who strive to demonstrate the violence that is often masked. However, we deny the institution of the State and its laws as the only legitimising source of facts. We believe that the construction of legitimacy can occur from other ethical consensuses based on mutual identification and life experiences shared among people.

We also inform that we do not draw satisfaction from our motions in the juridical/institutional framework. We remind ourselves that even legally this case goes beyond our individual action, and that other instances can mobilise to denounce aspects of (in)justice independently of our volition. Still, in relation to the Press and the media, we deny the urgency of being in accordance with a temporality imposed by social networks and other media of communication. We cannot trample internal processes to meet external demands, we have a responsibility to one another and, especially, by no means do we let ourselves be guided by opportunistic and tendentious media. The fact that we delayed in presenting information became an argument for questioning the truth of our story. We recognize this as a way to manipulate facts and individuals within an alienating logic and a dehumanizing pace belonging to a mode of life hooked on immediatism. That’s not the life we want to share with one another and we will not have it imposed on us. This supposed delay in responding to such requests is directly related to the need we have to listen to each other and shelter one another, now that we find ourselves bruised, in the face of the real situation of aggression that we went through. We believe that this mediatic time is cruel, transforming the wounds of people into products and audience, and thus violates them once more. We are mainly motivated to reach an outcome that does not go through these paths, and organise ourselves horizontally so as to consolidate this fact as political, and factually transform the wounds into struggle.

We are autonomous and organise on the basis of libertarian practices. We know that practices which challenge the institutions and the State were and are historically persecuted. Because of this, we fear that what happened may have been part of actions politically motivated by hate speech, and not just the result of an approach that went bad. Faced with this, we hope the expressions of solidarity, that have helped us so much until now, are maintained.

We must also remind that since even before the Fair’s date, our security measures were violated with the creation of the Autonomous and Feminist Book Fair event on Facebook by the Porto Alegre Cultura page; even though they had been advised that we did not want to expose the Fair and the women involved in FLIFEA at this network, they ignored our protests. We believe that the creator of that page bears responsibility for the threats we received during the Fair and for the police aggression, and therefore has our blood on their hands. We were overly exposed against our own will by this event, which had almost 6,000 people confirmed and more than 11,000 guests.

Finally, we thank everyone who came to show solidarity at this time, regardless of their political alignment. The space of I FLIFEA POA has established itself as a moment of rupture with the logics of segregation and estrangement between feminisms that were being experienced in our city. The moment lived has reinforced this rupture; we have trusted and experienced the welcoming of each other, we have strengthened both our personal and political relations. We value the commitment of those who choose to struggle from different fronts and all those who rebel fighting not to be crushed by this system, which oppresses initiatives and (r)existences in freedom and self-organisation. A set of strategies are more efficient than either one by itself. We know very well what drives us.

We thank those more experienced in their paths of struggle and resistance for the support they have shown. Women who share their knowledge and insight, enabling us to depart from an accumulation so that each generation of women do not have to start from scratch in every battle waged in this constant war against us all. Maximum respect to the old witches who came to look after us.

We will keep making art on the streets, occupying spaces, communicating our positions and continuing the fight, because our blow force has the same intensity with the one we’ve experienced. Witches resist!

Santiago, Chile: Incendiary attack against patriarchal entertainment

We claim responsibility for the act of vandalism against the night club “café Candela”, located in 5077 San Pablo Avenue, during the night-dawn of April 7th, through the placement of an incendiary device with an ignition system consisting of a slow-burning fuse.

The damage occasioned was far less than we expected, nevertheless the entire facade of this establishment of patriarchal entertainment ended up burnt.

We need only just ask some questions to find out a little more of what goes on right under our nose, to identify this and thousands of such centres of torture, exploitation and subjugation of various species!

Strength to the comrades arrested for burning a Transantiago bus!

Against civilisation! Against patriarchy, its defenders and its false critics.

Intermittent vandalic cells FAI/FRI

in greek

Athens: Antiracist-antipatriotic action in Plaka

received in english, greek, portuguese and french

In the early hours of Monday 20th of April we went to the district of Plaka to paint over a disgusting mural of racist and nationalist drawings and slogans made by a supposed artist that calls himself Tom, who has been using for some years that wall located at Sotiros Street. The shitty mural that was transmitting, among other things, also messages against people coming from Africa, targeting them as carriers of diseases, was there for at least 3 months so we thought we should do something about it. We threw colors, we tagged the walls with anarcofeminist symbols and we wrote the following messages in various languages:

Without fatherlands, without bosses. Self-management (in Portuguese)

No borders, no masters (in English)

Shit to the fatherland (in Greek)

Lets erase the fash from the map (in French)

Black lives matter (in English)

Ps. The day after our action the wall was painted over again in blue. In case racist slogans appear again, other actions will be taken.

in spanish and italian

[Greece] ‘War Against War’ by Xipolito Tagma – English edition 04/2015

War Against War’, an antimilitarist brochure by the collective of total objectors to military service Xipolito Tagma (‘Barefoot Battalion’ in Ioannina, Greece), is now available in English.

Click image to read / download / distribute the pdf.

All texts were translated from the 1st Greek edition (03/2011), without any chronological adaptation of the facts and dates displayed. Only footnotes and the chapter “Declaring Our Objection” were added.

Xipolito Tagma would like to thank L. for the English translation, and plan to translate the brochure also in Spanish.

Marseille, France: Reportback from the non-mixed night march of March 7th

The following communiqué was written collectively by a small group of participants in a non-mixed night demo that took place in Marseille on 7/3/2015.

No State, No Patriarchy, No Compromise – Feminist Bash Back: Total Liberation

Your hands on my hips = My fist in your face

We are tired of having to deal with this hetero-patriarchal world. Tired of being scared to go out at night; tired of not being listened to, of being crushed, made invisible, and of being discredited.

We vomit on the state, its parity and its tragically comical jokes aimed to make us believe in any small advances. We don’t want that. We long for something that can be born only from the ashes of it all. Our feminism is insurrectional and full of anger, it’s sick of being comprehensive and pacifist, it longs to be effective and it longs to see our aggressors in tears.

The night of the 7th of March, following a callout [“between women, feminists, dykes, meufs*, trans and lesbians”], we therefore decided to make it clear to those who have once more ignored that the streets belong to us.

Listen dude, I’m explaining to you: Shut your mouth!

It was already night time when we met up in front of Longchamp Palace. We were around 400 women, dykes and transpeople. The atmosphere was euphoric; everyone seemed to be pretty pleased at the idea to march into the city without cis males explaining how to do it all. Quite a few different things were organised: banners and placards very creative with clever wording, lists of chants, leaflets explaining why the march was non-mixed and legal information were passed around; a large part of all this was explained in sign language. Unfortunately, some cissexist people had the bad idea to bring a placard in the shape of a cunt, excluding transpeople present.

The demonstration left with lots of motivation towards Réformés under the light of several DIY flaming torches, amidst many slogans and chants, including “The street pleases us; we want to walk in peace” & “Women, join us” (but sadly not people who don’t fit within the gender binary, or transmen…) to motivate people from outside of the demo to join in.

At this moment, our small group, masked up and dressed in black began to tag the walls and spray-paint a passing tram with feminist and trans slogans and symbols. At the beginning, people around us weren’t so happy with this, but in time a few people came and showed their support. Nearby to La Plaine, two BACs [Anti-Crime Brigade plainclothes cops] tried to join the demonstration and stared down at those who were tagging away from the rest of the demo, but they were ejected by demonstrators who reminded them vigorously that the march was non-mixed. Sometime later, with tags continuing to spread out along the route, a branch of Postal Bank received several cans of pink paint.

A lot of men were present on the terraces of bars this Saturday night, trying to yell sexist remarks to piss off demonstrators. Vehement reactions of solidarity from others around us forced these individuals to leave us alone. For example, there was one man on a scooter who tried to pass by forcing through the middle of the crowd and received many hits from placards and a spray of teargas from one participant, or another guy who didn’t want the demo to pass in front of his bar and so received a new paint job. There were, however, some not so nice incidents inside the procession, notably some transpeople who were misgendered or received remarks questioning their presence. And so several rubbish bins were set on fire; other people inside the march decided to play cop/firefighter and extinguished them as they passed. If these people are reading this text, special dedication: we do not need pacifiers. Despite all of this, after nearly three hours of marching we descended to the Vieux Port, where the demonstration ended calmly without any trouble with the cops or arrests (as far as we know).

What came out of this march was notably an alliance against the cops and irritating guys, and a respect for the method of action of everybody much more than elsewhere; even with several reformists who were visibly somewhat lost and who tried to make an issue with other people because they were masked up and tagging. Within our small group, as well as more generally, the organisation and communication between demonstrators worked well. Several precautions were put in place in case of problems with the cops and the justice system, which was reassuring even if luckily we didn’t need to use them. This was a very positive experience for us, which empowered us a lot and, apparently, the majority of participants. We hope that another march like this will happen soon, despite the disappointment of not having had any other stealthy comrades. Let’s spread a burst of collective destruction for the next occasions to come.

We have spent too much time defending ourselves, time to be on the offensive!

We would like to take this moment to communicate our support for Fran Thomson, long-term prisoner and victim of repression from the sexist state.

Solidarity with all victims of hetero-patriarchy!

*The term ‘meufs’ is non-derogatory ‘backwards slang’ for women

Kiev, Ukraine: Good night macho pride 2014

From the 24th to the 28th of April 2014, the 3rd ‘Good night macho pride’ anarcha-feminist festival will take place in Kiev, Ukraine.

During the gathering, there will be theoretical and practical discussions related to anarchist and feminist topics such as relations and ways of talking to each other, interaction in groups, how to deal with insults or assaults, awareness regarding sexist behaviour, and prevention of activists’ burnout. Besides, it will be a good opportunity to get in touch with anarcha-feminist groups and activists from different European countries.

One important point will be presentations about anarcha-feminism and gender related topics in the anarchist movement of the former USSR. Another is the exchange of experiences and strategies to overcome patriarchy.

Contact email: gnmp@riseup.net / More info: svobodna via a3yo

Greece: A boy from home

Christmas at home, the fatherly home, as it is known, distinguishing the authority that gives name and meaning to things. I wake up with difficulty from mom’s entreaties, “to eat all together.” I also hear the grandfather’s voice from inside, so I know. I know precisely what I will face. I’ve lived it in almost identical manner as far as I can remember myself. I get out of bed, and indeed everything is as supposed to be: dad is well-dressed and receives greetings on the phone, mom is also well-dressed with the classic hairstyle for the holidays, and my siblings, rather wearily, gaze passively at the whole scene, apparently having the same feeling of tedious repetition. Guests are expected in the afternoon for dad’s name day, uncles and aunts, colleagues, friends, cousins and nephews. They all more or less share a performativity of the same class, they are heterosexual couples, the man wears shirt/tie, and the woman is dressed in suit or another women’s costume depending on the class position, education, etc., however they all look the same. If they have small children they may bring them along, too, so that guests can be in a silly, playful mood around them, and manifest just how much everyone loves them kids while they’re grownups themselves.

It is here that I grew up, within this much theatrical performativity of masculinity, in this realm of small property and coercive heterosexuality. Here everyone is “as they ought to be,” and they gather every so often throughout the year, as they’re about to do today, to confirm that they are “as they ought to be,” as the others: men, family leaders, with decent incomes, with “good children,” diligent, each of them with a good woman, housewife, mama. They may even discuss politics, and yet there won’t be much talking beyond what “the whole world” believes; that is, what’s reproduced on television. Basically what they’re going to say doesn’t matter so much, if they even have something to say doesn’t matter so much; what matters is to be there for the ritual, to reaffirm their position, their gendered-class position. That’s why my parents invite me extorsively in these circumstances; I must also undergo the control, and assure that I am one of them, that I am normal, educated, smart, formal, and a worthy member of (their) society. It doesn’t matter that my parents know I am not all too normal, the extended silent drama played ever since my adolescence for the fact that I am queer; nor the fact that they know my “extreme” politicization.

What really matters is the role I must perform in the specific place and time, that of the son, the student, the youth–future of the land, etc. And I say to myself, okay, I’ll perform the role in the least painful way for me, with proportionate cynicism: I do not have any respect towards my parents and their rituals but I depend on them financially, thus I simply follow the contract terms. On the other hand, I think they both have this cynicism on their mind, so it’s not like I’m doing something so terrible. What I mean to say is that masculinity, as an expression of one’s self, is not just the theatrical performativity of man but performativity in the sense that it constitutes a system of Power that goes far beyond mere intentions or instantaneous pressure valves. I was born and raised here, and I am also emotionally, rather than only economically, supplied from the here, and I am compelled to be the family’s son beyond the material bit. Even if I completely cut ties with the family, I will continue in one way or another to carry this self that was created here, and to judge things on the basis of my representations here. I think of all this somewhat tangled, somewhat differently every time I visit my parents. These rituals of identity confirmation, and hence material-emotional safety, attest precariousness and division at the same time, and I believe this characterizes my masculinity to a certain degree, as it has shaped itself in recent years, a constant feeling of rupture, and a discontinuous route through guilt, insecurities and various different unstable identifications.

Still feeling sleepy on my way to the toilet, I heard my mama talking about me on the phone, from what I found out later, to some female relative in another city. She spoke of me with pride, referring to my faculty performance, my skills. At that very moment I got that feeling again, I wanted to attack her, tell her to stop having hopes of me already, to stop being proud of anything that has to do with me. I wanted to tell her about the moments I’ve participated in anarchy, the vandalisms, the demonstrations, the December ’08 period, and the work of destruction in which I was morally and practically involved. I wanted to tell her that I get picked up in the parks and fucked with men that I don’t even know the first letter of their name, that I’m a lost body, and I’ve nothing of mine to make anyone proud. But I never said anything of the sort, and I went and sat down at the table to eat, “as it ought to be.” And this “defeat” was only partly a result of the emotional and material power of my family over me. It had much more to do with the fact that all the things that I wanted to project onto her are largely not a safe place for me, some place where I recognize myself steadily, but rather escapes from a warlike condition, and pressure valves. Situations where the ruler of regulatory masculinity is most often present, where tension towards the policing of heteronormativity is there and I just temporarily forget about it by drinking alcohol and losing myself into parties. I realized that beyond shocking my mom I did not have much to tell her, except what she more or less suspects already. My mom simply made use of my official, let’s say, masculinity, my identity not just as she would like it to be, but ultimately as it is. It may be that at times I perform the lost body and I don’t know what else, but faced with my parents, the university and the cops, I manifest the identity that says I’m the son of petty bourgeois people from the province, student, Greek, male. And these social data is regulating my social existence, the way I am recognized by others.

I come to this conclusion not (necessarily) to whip myself into shape but to raise the issue of politics. Starting from the assumption that gender is an almighty mechanism of Power, in the sense that the genderization process lasts for all our life, and in fact provides us the right to our life or not, I find it difficult to look down upon masculinity, from a completely external position, and therefore I go into the process of looking for it in my own experiences. To what I constantly tend to come, but try to avoid, is the conclusion that my identity is not continuous but rather fragmented in various different fields and slightly schizophrenic. I look at my training into a boy and the whole of class-national context[1], on the one hand, and the different social spectra with which I’ve come into contact after I left the parental home, on the other, and I can see that this training has been the most decisive for my social existence, since it constitutes the most regulating factor in the continuum of Power and surveillance to which I am subjected. It is neither the gay culture, in which I more or less partake, nor the student habits that ensure me an identity; these are factors that likely exist to help me escape from the weight of pressures. And I say this because I get incredibly pissed off at the dominant discourse of anything goes, where every white middle-class individual ensconced in their comfort zone proclaim themselves queer, or whatever works.

Nevertheless, social data does not remain steady, nor does the way we recognize and are recognized by others. And it is these relationships, the people I have met and known over the last years, the political processes and the movement’s becoming that produce shifts inside and outside of me, and are my “weapons” in this warlike condition against my petty bourgeois masculinity and what represents it.

Finally I want to say that, as much ambivalence and insecurity my return to the home where I grew up may cause in me, it can’t take away the hope given by relationships which help me to identify myself differently. Because our gender and our sexuality are produced by establishments of violence with extremely strong and deep regulatory force, however they are characterized by the same momentum that’s found in all human relations, the human condition. And I would like to hope that I will experience the happiness of days when I will not think at all about how much of a man I looked and if my mom truly loves me for what I do and for what I have (not) become…

[1] I add the class origin and social context of the province because I consider them contents of my gendered identity. Besides, I’ve heard from anarchists who defended an unacceptable homophobic band that “they are from the province these folks,” a phrase that attributed another dimension to their gendered identity, that of the young horny macho homophobes, and constituted a “mitigating factor.” This, of course, is a classic imaginary representation of the province as a haven of pure and innocent heterosexuality, where homophobia comes natural from within, or whatever.

Greek original text retrieved from Queericulum Vitae Qvzine.net, “Masculinities” #4, Athens, November 2010

Santiago, Chile: Reportback from the demonstration for the decriminalization of abortion

Against the capitalization of our abdomens – Autonomy of the body, and fire to the patriarchy

Abortion is the best – I shit on god
Mary wanted to have an abortion

On July 25th, 2013 a march for decriminalization of abortion took place in the City of Santiago. Chile is one of the countries where abortions are banned in all circumstances. Consequentially, women are jailed for abortions, and others die having back-alley abortions.

The march was called for 7pm in Plaza Italia, and at 6pm the metropolitan administration decided to deny the permit that had been issued for the route up the Alameda avenue on the north side to Paseo Bulnes. So the pigs shoved individuals all along the route, trying to clear the northbound lanes of the Alameda. They cut off the route at Paseo Ahumada. There the march stopped, and the police started to clear the lanes so that the buses and cars could pass. They violently shoved the demonstrators, who tried to block the Alameda and shouted slogans — for abortion, against the cops, and to keep going up the Alameda.

After an intense struggle, everyone realized that it was no use, and decided to go up Paseo Ahumada toward the cathedral, in the Plaza de Armas. Arriving suddenly in the square, the demonstrators entered the cathedral during mass. Whistling and yelling slogans (“Keep your rosaries off our ovaries”, among others) they tried to overwhelm the microphone. They painted some slogans inside the cathedral and flipped wooden pews, even pulling a few out of the church.

At that moment the pigs started to attack the people outside the cathedral — the guanaco (an armored car mounted with water cannon) started to blast water, and a few individuals were caught (the exact number of detainees is not confirmed). Meanwhile, the people leaving the cathedral started to run into the surrounding streets, because the area was starting to fill up with cops on motorbikes, with a few guanacos and zorrillos (armored vehicles mounted with gas launchers), and police cars. It was time to go, and the small confrontations ended with everyone taking their own routes home — happy, at least, to have disrupted the mass, one small and symbolic attack and rejection of religion.

in spanish, french

UK: Self-Organised London buzzing with activity

The Self-Organised London (SOL) squatted social centre continues to resist eviction at Elephant and Castle despite a court of their Order awarding its corrupt owners a possession order three weeks ago.

In truth, the current occupiers never held any hope in the current State-Capital system to yield any justice to the local community, as the social elite push for more luxury homes for their own in the heart of London. To expect justice from a partnership which projects only to degrade everything public by converting it into a means for profit, which is the inherent desire of the ruling class in a world where the heads of the multinationals are the heads of State, is foolhardy indeed. And, like in Argentina, the majority of the population in the UK continues to live within the consumerist bubble without protesting, while people are being duped into the poverty of slavery by a lying Press which lives by the same axiom as the economists themselves. For the media, advertising is now the main form of revenue, and just take a look at any newspaper to see how many of these full-page spreads are occupied by multinationals. To think that any change will occur in these circumstances is foolish, so people sail on in the warm flow of ignorance towards a neo-feudalist State that destroys protest and manages dissent.

In this stale climate a war is declared against those whose only failing is to want the best future for themselves and their children. To appeal for change is against the interests of those in control, whose use of communication and transportation above board and below the table bribes and coercion leads to a situation of utter decline in the real standards of living and individual expression, to the extent people are not even living anymore but just existing as upholders of a system which seeks to exploit their labour and add to their frustration. This dissatisfaction is then redirected towards ethnic hatred of those below them on the social ladder, those who emancipate themselves from the conditions that strangle them in other countries and come to the wealthier States to do the same work for the same masters but at a higher rate and with less protest.

If and when a population comes to its senses it will realise that the only solution is self-organisation through structures created and organised by themselves for themselves, which is the principle promulgated by protest itself, where those who are directly influenced by certain measures take direct action to solve their individual situations. The only problem with reformist protest is that it directs discontent to those who are supposed to represent them, individuals whose interest is purely to protect their own —the ruling millionaire elite. This process is thus self-defeating and leads to a disempowerment, which results in acceptance of the social condition as a result of an inability to understand where to go next.

At this late stage of the democracy delusion, people are forced with the realisation that insurrection is their only option, but comfort and traditional faith in authority keeps them from taking that step. However, unknown even to them, this process is already being formulated in their minds, and only fear prevents them from them taking the necessary steps to connect actions to ideas, words to feelings and self-organisation to contemplation. This process can already be seen in the collapse of the democratic process as less than half of voters go to the polls, riots break out in even the most economically ‘advanced’ nation-states, and smaller groups go underground to fight those symbols of autocracy in individualised mutinies.

This can be the beginning of the end for a global system of control which holds that a minority knows the best for a majority, an incongruous principle which has only held true in the darkest of times. And the change cannot be held back by the media (misinformation), police (repression), or tradition (patriarchy). What we are all fighting against now is the myth that history repeats itself, a history which in effect is ‘theirstory’ and not ‘ourstory’, that everything is cyclical because it is in fact linear and shows a past which is in fact far from glorious, but is littered with oppression and domination. Whether it is the idea that women are inferior to men because they are generally physically weaker, or that white people are superior to other races because they crushed others by their self-machinated violence, or that heterosexuals are superior to homosexuals because they have standardised structures to dominate their partners, what we realise is that they only allow us to express ourselves when they can find a reason to regulate us, to control our discoveries and logic, to condition our freedom and imprison us in statutory boxes, which have been well-labelled and identified and which they know we will not escape from.

The current social and economic situation is another box and we have to be able to identify those sides of our boxes, those walls that contain us and know how to break them, realise that they are only there when we hold on to them with our fears and insecurities, and that our rage for justice and equality is greater than their prison. Now more than ever logic is on our sides, as billions are passed around between the elite while they place us at the bottom of the scale and do not give us even to eat.

How much longer before we wake up to this injustice, to this wholesale sellout of our individuality, to the branding of our discomfort, to the distaste of being seen as mere terrorists for speaking the truths we inherently understand and feel, when they terrorise with their irrationality on a daily basis? How much longer before we turn their control into smithereens and their love for domination into the fuel for our fires which burn in our hearts crying out for the dreams which embolden us into a future without State, without authoritarian scientifically justified domination, so that we can free ourselves from the oppression that they think we will take for the rest of our natural lives?

Meanwhile, we at the SOL and other such projects around the world, from Athens to Santiago, from Berlin to Buenos Aires, from Cairo to Amsterdam, will push forwards toward the future we know we can create and realise, as only these feelings of freedom will ever inspire us to live this dreary life day in day out and reinforce these dreams with direct action and constructive rational thought.

For the end to slavery, and complete self-organisation!

Women as spoils of war

From the antimilitarist brochure ‘War Against War’ by the collective of total objectors to military service Xipolito Tagma (‘Barefoot Battalion’ in Ioannina, Greece)

Rapes in wartime can be committed and have indeed been perpetrated by organized armies, paramilitary and fascist groups, and various fundamentalists. Sexual abuse and rapes against girls and women have evolved into a systematic weapon of war and repression. In these phenomena of sexual violence, gender oppression is associated with militarism and the highly patriarchal-structured military corps. It is a common premise, moreover, that just as wars have a gender, the masculine gender, so does the murderous machine of the State, the military. Of course, this doesn’t imply that women are spectators to all this violence; on the contrary, in the majority of cases they are the assault victims.* Women’s rape at war must be seen in the light of the patriarchal organization of national fantasies that are set in operation. The more blatantly patriarchal the national narratives are, the more useful is the weapon of rape for the attackers, and the more exterminating for their targets.

Rape as a means of war may have different origins. In many cases, rape could have been a result of the direct orders of senior army officers, or simply an incentive of the soldiers themselves, or both combined. What’s certain is that these rapes are counted as a component of military victory or defeat, but cannot be exhausted in these connotations. In any case, what gives a meaning–importance to these rapes is a common imaginary: that of ethnic cleansing or otherwise ‘reproductive genocide’, or generally of the destruction of bonds within the adversary society; in other words, first and foremost the destruction of this society’s imaginary significations that are related with the existence of its subjects. During the war in Bosnia–Herzegovina, for example, the pursuit of ethnic cleansing became obvious when women fell victims to mass rape and torture, captivity and forced prostitution by Serb soldiers and paramilitaries. This pursuit was, of course, an explicit command of officers, but it would have no effect without the active involvement of soldiers, nor would it reach such monstrous proportions as it did.

The humiliation and rape of women of the ‘enemy’ in the condition of war acquires the significance of humiliation and rape of an adversary nation as a whole. Obviously, the meanings attributed to women and femininity in general from the nationalist socialization are also intermingled here. Such meanings apply, on the one hand, to the woman’s characterization as the nation’s womb, the one responsible for the nation’s perpetuation (i.e. the birth of nationalists and, why not, willing soldiers), and on the other hand, as the one who must remain chaste, honest and committed to the family, which is the core of the nation. All these features are considered inviolable and self-evident by any nationalism (and any nationalist). Therefore, soldiers rape women and dissolve families of others in order to ‘protect’ their women and families. Woman holds an important role as metaphor, e.g. the ‘mother homeland’ or the aforementioned ‘homeland–nation’s womb’. Women are, thus, something for which a soldier is instructed to go to war (e.g. ‘we go into battle for the sake of our women and children’), an object that exists to be protected (as does the rest of the man’s property). On the other hand, women are the ones who receive the fiercest attacks by the troops, nevertheless are the largest part of civilian population, and most of them uninvolved in the decisions and planning of wars.

Rape at war is not the exception but the general rule that relies on nationalist hatred and male supremacy, the basic elements found in the ideology of the military and warfare. Thus, our antimilitarist stance is based on the universal objection to these elements, always against ‘our’ State and nationalism, but also against male privilege and stereotypes.

* According to official figures, rapes for military purposes were committed in all known wars of recent years: in the former Yugoslavia, Cambodia, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Liberia, Peru, Somalia, Mozambique, Sudan and Uganda. The examples given in a draft report of the so-called ‘Committee on Women’s Rights and Equal Opportunities’ of the European parliament are those of Berlin in 1945, when the Allied forces entered the city, and rapes reached 110-800,000; 20-50,000 rapes in the former Yugoslavia during the civil war in the 1990s; and 250-500,000 war rapes in Rwanda in 1994. All of this concerns only estimates and ‘official’ figures, which in fact fail to assess the size of ‘evil’, as in any disaster. Needless to say, rapes have always been—and still are—one of the most powerful and timeless weapons in the hands of the Greek State and nationalism.