Tag Archives: insurrectionism

They call it „Dangerzone“* – but it is just an ungovernable neigbourhood

Greetings from Berlin to Athens

We, individuals and groups from the Rigaer Street, welcome the initiative to start a discussion about an insurrection and fill it with experiences from the past, current theories and practical possibilities.
This is how we understood the call for the insurrection festival (insurrectionfestival.noblogs.org) in Athens.

In the program, we discovered several aspects, that we in the Nordkiez of Friedrichshain are engaged in. There is no anarchist, anti authoritarian or left radical movement in Berlin, there is just a scene.
The dullness of the majority of a fascist society makes it complicated to get moving. In order to destroy overall power structures, we need to search for the confrontation in our local communities. A concentration of people, ideas and structures working against the state, are necessary to be able to protect oneself from outside aggression and be able to actually develop.

Over the last couple of years, because of the intensity of our actions and the repression of the cops, this process has been started in the Rigaer street. Our actions do not simply concentrate on material violence, they are trying to destroy the social norm and values. In that sense, to change the meaning of property, safety and fear, as well as work and competition.
In Berlin it is forbidden to organize a flee market, where everything can be given away for free, it is forbidden to play music in public spaces or just gather in the street with many people. It might be allowed if one requests a permission with the police. We did all of these things without having a permission and every time we did, the police came and attacked us. As a response, many stones were thrown towards the cops and their cars.

Maybe the Police occupation in Exarchia is more violent, but in Friedrichshain they are more close – the occupation force is waiting in front of your door.

Another way of preventive counterinsurgency in Berlin is, next to repression, the integration. By using various politicians and “good” cops, the administrations are always coming up with round tables. The idea is to bring inhabitants from the Friedrichshainer Nordkiez together with representatives from the administration offices, An image should be created in which the politicians listen to the concerns of the public and all parties involved come up with a solution together. This way there is no need for real resistance anymore, and “social peace” can be
restored. We must fight the integration like the repression.

Due to gentrification, the population in our part of the city, is being slowly replaced. If you don‘t have the money, you can‘t pay the rent anymore an you have to move. This is why several luxury cars and new investors are being attacked in our neighbourhoods. Controversial questions within our circles are for example the relationship to the neighbours. Some people are sympathetic with us and hate the cops. But how do we interact with those who do not want to have any position in this conflict or who just want to keep on living their capitalist life without any disturbances?

We are only a few in this city, very few. When the state attacks us, like last year, when the cops raided the Rigaer 94 twice and once occupied the house for over three weeks, while destroying large parts of it, it becomes possible for us to mobilize many people from outside our circles. For weeks over the summer 2016, cars all over the city were burning and during a bigger demonstration many people attacked the cops.
But an insurrection can not be planned, it arises from social tensions, where radical tendencies are integrated in a larger social resistance.
Another question would be if we should look for people in this individualised and estranged society or if it would be better just to put an utopia out there, that speaks for itself ?

On the 16th of June this year, an utopia was a hip hop concert in the streets. As expected the cops soon attacked and it lead to riots, which would only be worth a little note in Athens, but became a headline story in Berlin. Press and politicians compared the Rigaer street with the war in Syria. Should we escalate the situation even more, even though we are few people?

The autonomous mouvement was fueled in the 80s by the difficult housing situation and the many squats, that existed all over the city. The experiences since then, show us that as soon as we take one step backwards the enemy moves up right behind us. In the cases, where squatters negotiated with the state, they always lost. In the cases, where we did not negotiate, we may have also lost, but by fighting the struggle we won new activists for our structures.

As a realistic stop over, we are trying to make one part of the city impossible to control, a process which should be expanded chronologically and spatially. Maybe the cops will attack our spaces in Friedrichshain again in the near future. Then we will ask you for help, by attacking authority, no matter where you are. Just like we in Berlin are trying to react to the state organised operations against the resistance in Athens and elsewhere.

Comrades and friends of Rigaer 94 and the resistance in Friedrichshain

* the Police uses the label Dangerzone for a kind of martial law which allows them stop-and-search from people without reason, breaking in homes without search warrant or confiscating everything.

in portuguese

[Argentina] Destroy Sergeant(ina)

Headquarters of the GEO (special group of anti terrorist operations) in Argentina.

received 08/09/17

Destroy Sergeantina!!!

Those are not just words: we reached the “level” of direct action and they lie about us because they fear us. Not everything that happens hits the system’s newspapers! Even ours! And everything runs really fast, comrades. Revolutionary vertigo, which shakes up the heart: it was what we wanted and finally what we’ve got. Let’s not flatter ourselves. As our beutiful comrades from Portugal warn us, let’s be intelligent: neither “library anarchism” nor “self destructive punk”, fine? We don’t make up anything. We met el Lechu and better listen to us very well those who now claim he is a public figure… He is, to say, one of us: ANARCHIST! Enemy of the state, the capital and the shitty “social peace” of those who now (…and may a lightning fall in the head of those who call him “ayahuasca junkie”) whip his missing doing politics with our ideals. We are not “infiltrated”, as those people conniving with the spectacle cluck every time it burns passion for the anarchic revolt.

In August 31, the building of GEOF was torched… the “anti terrorist” Federal Operations Special Group building in the middle of the burgeosie neighborhood of Palermo… plenty Buenos Aires downtown, and the shitty media has hidden; they did the same thing with a lot of offensives that, did not even go through their heads, could strike their power structures.

After the demonstration, on September 1, the 35th Gendarmerie Battalion was almost torched with Molotovs (were they “infiltrated”, too?).

In La Plata, we torched a part of the senate, and then there was an attack on the security ministry, with a wounded gendarme and burned cars, with no arrests.

After the demo in Buenos Aires, where 31 people were arrested, without even being at the barricade of Avenida de Mayo, the media again said that everything was calm until about twenty hooded ones attacked the government building and were, by little, near to burn his filthy office.

It did not end there: the headquarters of the gendarmerie were destroyed in a coordinated action of great risk and great bravery…

We can not fail to mention the repression in Cordoba! Police officers entered several anarchist spaces (information about that are circulating in the networks), in the provincial capital, and took drums and banners.
The fascist newspaper “La Nación” now aims at the former FLA (Argentinean anarchist federation), which has now become an anarchist cultural center, let us stay alert… If they touch one @, they touch all @ and even if the repression become stronger, we will make their worst nightmares turn into reality.

We thank the Contra Info for its work and also to all those who (everywhere) support our struggle until death against all authority.

M@K (i), Anarchic. Kosmic. informal Movement


translated by tormentas de fogo

Translators note:
This made us give a smile of complicity to our comrades fighting in the territory under domain of the argentinian state. This one text is claiming responsibility of some actoins on the agitation month for Santiago Maldonado. It has also a statement about some lies thrown against them by the masses. For example, in august 1st demos they were accused of being “infiltrated” just because they chose to disrupt normality instead of behave peacefully. This is what happens when the state attacks us. We hit them back with all our strength!!! WE WANT OUR COMRADE BACK NOW!!!

In Spanish l Portuguese  l German

Crete: Incendiary attack against Armed Forces Officers Club in Rethymno

I would also point out that arson
is the least-solved crime in the United States,
and that gasoline is really cheap, and matches are free.
Sean Swain, longterm anarchist prisoner;
excerpt from his text for Black December

On Saturday night, early Sunday December 13th, we chose to carry out an incendiary attack against the military officers club in Rethymno. This act comes as a response to the call of incarcerated comrades for a Black December. We want our act to complement the mosaic of direct actions taking place during the current month, in the frame of informal coordination of insurrectionary anarchy, at both local and international levels. To us it’s evident that those in anarchy’s milieu are drawn to opposite poles; the aged reformist pole and the insurrectionary one. So, naturally, we have “allied” with those who choose to walk on the path of fire, attack and direct action.

As regards the selected target, we want to point out that the role of the army is none other than repressing (we are aware that the army plays a decisive role in repressing migrants and refugees at Evros and the islands), cultivating a national esprit among executioners-citizens who are eager to swallow any nationalistic propaganda, and making sure the Greek military staff have excellent cooperation with their colleagues at NATO. For all the above and even more reasons, we chose to bring the fire there where they peacefully sleep and eat. We will always be against the medals awarded by the State to its minions.

We send our comradely greetings to all incarcerated comrades of the R.O. Conspiracy of Cells of Fire (CCF), to the five anarchist prisoners of the Network of Imprisoned Fighters (DAK) who chose to “answer” the call, to incarcerated comrades abroad, and all comrades of insurrectionary anarchy that have already attacked or prepare to attack.

The paths of fire and insurgency bring those on the outside closer to the comrades inside the walls… We burn the rottenness of inaction and reformism with fire…

Black December is just the beginning…

Combatant Anarchist Assault Group, Rethymno 2015

Crete: Black December initiative of comrades from Rethymno

A Black December initiative of comrades from Rethymno, on the island of Crete, responded to the Black December proposal by anarchist prisoner Nikos Romanos and CCF imprisoned anarchist Panagiotis Argirou. Furthermore, wanting to revive the memories and practices of December ’08, they have invited individualities and collectives from the island to communicate with each other and coordinate their actions throughout Crete.

The comrades state the following, among others:

“(…) The call for the creation of an ‘informal coordination platform’, which will be able to overcome the theoretical preconceptions within the insurrectionary anarchy, proposes something new in comparison to what has been proposed lately. Its informalist basis can be a fertile ground so that whoever comrade or collective choose to respond to the call can express themselves and act freely. (…)

As individualities we have noticed that, lately, the anarchist tendency tends to join forces on the occasion of ‘significant events’ and, unfortunately, only ends up keeping track of them. The tangible result of this is that we find ourselves unprepared, and our actions do not have the desired results.

We seek to become, all of us, the detonator of events, to create the appropriate conditions, and instead of positioning ourselves defensively against the establishment created by the State and the Capital, we choose to go on the offensive.

In Rethymno, any disruption of social regularity is a rare occurrence. Through our actions, we seek to disrupt the divine law of the Rethymnian normalcy.

This first attempt at coordination and action is framed in the context of ‘Black December’. The December 2008 legacy was important for anarchy. Hundreds of squats and occupation, direct action groups, spontaneous and organised attacks, unmediated diffusion of anarchist discourse, through interventions at the mass media of domestication, is all that we retrace and wish to reintegrate into everyday practices of anarchy. (…)

For all the above reasons, purposes, actions and aspirations, we choose to stand alongside all comrades, both inside and outside the walls, who will take action in the framework of ‘Black December’.

The fires of December ’08 may have died down, but they still burn within us.”

International call for a Black December

Comrades coming from various geographies and different paths of struggle, yet having the same longing for the diffusion of anarchist offensive, support the call for a Black December published by brothers held in prisons of the Greek democracy.

We call for the revival of the black memory of our dead and all those who have fallen in the fight for freedom and anarchy.

We call for the activation of combative solidarity with comrades that experience incarceration because of their unyielding stance of confrontation with all forms of Power, as well as those who have assumed the difficult path of clandestinity.

We call for the cessation of the fragmentation of our efforts, which – from different trenches in the same war – are able to hit the enemy where it hurts the most.

From counter-information activities, to actions of propaganda by the deed, let’s make the most of this month and encounter each other, conspire, and synchronise our strengths in an informal, international and insurrectionary manner against the world of Power. Let’s seize the chance to highlight the points we have in common, but also our different perspectives, in a spirit of comradeship and mutual respect.

With the black memory of our dead accompanying our rebellious steps

Complicity and solidarity with imprisoned and fugitive comrades

War by all means possible against domination

Anarchists outside the walls for a Black December

Spanish, Greek, Italian, French, Portuguese, German, Turkish

[Greek prisons] For a new combat position of anarchist insurgency – For a Black December

I hate the individual who bends his body under the weight of an unknown power, of some X, of a god.

I hate, I say, all those who, surrendering to others, out of fear, out of resignation, a part of their power as a man, are not only crushed themselves but crush me, and those I love, under the weight of their frightful cooperation or their idiotic inertia.

I hate, yes, I hate them, for I sense it, I do not bow before the officer’s braid, the mayor’s sash, the capitalist’s gold, moralities or religions; for a long time I have known that all of this is just baubles that can be broken like glass.

— Joseph Albert (Libertad)

There are times in history when the randomness of some events can cause dynamic variables, able to almost entirely paralyse the social space-time.

It was Saturday night, on 06/12/2008, when the culmination of a conflict between two worlds took place in just a few moments. On one hand, the youthful, enthusiastic, spontaneous and impetuous insurrectionary violence; on the other hand, the official state institutional organ that, legitimately, claims the monopoly on violence through repression.

No, it was not about an innocent kid and a paranoid cop found in the wrong place at the wrong time, but a rebellious young comrade who attacked a patrol car, in an area where clashes with the forces of repression were common, and a cop who patrolled the same area and, out of a personal perception about the honour and reputation of the police, decided to confront the troublemakers on his own. It was a conflict between two opposing forces: on one Insurgency, on the other Power, with the main protagonists of this conflict each representing their own sides.

The murder of Alexandros Grigoropoulos by the cop Epameinondas Korkoneas, and the large-scale riots that ensued, caused a powerful, high-tension social electroshock, because the image of “social peace” was shattered and the existence of these two opposing worlds was made visible, in the most manifest way, triggering situations from which there was no easy return, at least not without a creation and manifestation of events whose momentum nobody could any longer pretend they did not notice, they did not see, they did not hear, they did not take into account.

The 2008 rebellion rocked a society that, in its majority, still enjoyed their consumerist bliss and the culture of western lifestyle, and ignored the unbearable consequences of the coming economic crisis. It caused embarrassment, numbness and perceptive paralysis, since the majority of the social body was unable to comprehend whence sprang so many thousands of rioters, who were creating disturbances of such a tension.

In the aftermath of the rebellion, a number of intellectuals, political analysts, professors, sociologists, psychologists, criminologists, and even artists, each taking advantage of their own professional prestige and renown, joined the public debate, not only in order to interpret December ’08, but also to de-signify it by slandering its occurrence and condemning violence altogether, from wherever it may come, making it clear what their real social role is.

There is much more to be said about December ’08 and its insurrectionary heritage, as manifested through the dozens of direct action groups which proliferated explosively across the country, creating a front of internal threat. A period when anarchist direct action undermined the social normalcy almost on a daily basis. But what we want above all is to remember

To remember what December ’08 was and how anarchy, having a leading role, contributed to the manifestation of dynamic situations, which gained resonance in the international anarchist movement.

To remember the time when anarchy overcame the fear of arrest, captivity and violent repression, and therefore acquired a tremendous self-confidence, moving on to actions and gestures that, until then, seemed impossible; a self-confidence which was manifested in the whole range of anarchist polymorphous action, from simple public interventions to all kinds of occupations, and from spontaneous confrontational practices to more organised offensive actions.

We want to remember our young comrade who was guilty of his spontaneity, which he paid with his life. Under other circumstances it might have been us in his place, as the same insurrectionary enthusiasm pervades us since then, and besides, EVERYONE should remember their origins instead of exorcising them.

We want to remember the beauty of paralysing the social space-time through smaller or larger social short circuits.

We want to remember how dangerous anarchy may become, when anarchy wants to…

We want to relive the days when “death shall have no dominion, and dead men naked they shall be one with the man in the wind and the west moon, and they shall break in the sun till the sun breaks down”
(paraphrased verses from a poem by Dylan Thomas).

* * *

This is the way we learn humility.
How many times have people sat
and waited alone in a house
waiting for the comrades
to come back?
The battle is planned
Every minute is accounted for
Every person knows her job
All care has been taken.
Tonight, how many guerrillas are fighting battles?
Tonight, the radio reports
the police are attempting to drive
hundreds of demonstrators back from the streets.
Rocks are flying,
you can hear the chants, the breaking glass,
the sirens behind the nervous newsman’s patter.
Eleven o’clock.
Not done yet.
How many have been done before us?
The line stretches back
through history.
How many are there still to do?

— The Proud Eagle Tribe of the Weather Underground

Starting with a simple observation, that there is an imperative need to draw a strategy with multifaceted anarchist action at its very core, which will collide head-on with Power and its exponents, we are confident that the contribution of yet another theoretical proposal about anarchist organisation would not be fruitful, if it were to stay within the narrow framework of ideological rigidity. If we don’t attempt to defuse our everyday contradictions through acts that will complement the entirety of liberation struggle, we are doomed to drown in the flood of introversion that pervades anarchist circles.

We believe that in order to work out a strategy – the axes of which affinity groups, polymorphous struggle and constant anarchist insurgency will intersect – our strengths, our momentum, our capabilities and our limits should be put to the test in practice. This way we will be able to set down our rationales based on actual experiences of struggle, and not theoretical acrobatics. We live the beginning of the end of the world as we knew it.

The effort of peaceful settlement of social conflicts on the part of the State is a distant past like that of economic prosperity, the models of state interventionism in economy are thrown into a waste bin – since, nowadays, the domination of multinationals and the possibility of the Capital to overcome national borders without restrictions are being institutionalised by the dominant power centres, the historical narrative of nation-states which served the capitalist development for several decades through national economies is collapsing, the technological fascistisation creates infinite possibilities for the management of human emotions, the ever increasing complexity of the social structure destabilises social automatisms and militarises social life within the metropolises, the machines for the digitisation of life de-innervate the complex critical mode of thinking of human beings and create cemeteries of consciousnesses, the images of human horror are being assimilated in social consciousness and cease to create sentiments beyond the feeling of shock.

We are in the process of a qualitative upgrade of the “civilised warfare,” where one’s happiness coexists with the torment of another; within this new environment, the kind of contemporary humans make their appearance, genetically fit to accept a sick way of life as being obvious, in a degenerate world from which all savageness of nature has disappeared due to urban regeneration and the expansive tendencies of the artificial conditions of civilisation. We live among industrial rodents that are living on a controlled diet, in a controlled environment, and are turned into social role models, after whom we must follow in order to survive.

Within this environment, anarchy acquires a strategic possibility to set fire to all forms of political representation, to become a front of open unorthodox war with domination, which will turn the diversity and pluralism of viewpoints within the anarchist community into an advantage and bring the oppressed – those who decide to break the chains of their submission – together at centres of struggle created. Oftentimes the most important observations are said in the simplest way. We want to see the world of Power get destroyed by the armed hands of rebellious men and women. So, we are overcoming the theoretical shapes, and bring the weight of discourse back to square one, to the point where the stone leaves our hand to end up on the head of a cop, the point where we decide to break the shackles of captivity, the point where subversive disposals are combatively manifested in the streets, the point where the hands of a clockwork device are aligned wanting to blow up the murderous fog of the legal order.

Reversing the predetermined dialogue flow, we do not talk in advance about the way in which we shall act but propose a coordination of anarchist action and an informal networking of anarchist projects through the vivifying strength of polymorphous action; we will thus be able to locate our mistakes and weaknesses while we measure our capabilities so as to make a critical assessment, which will form the foundations of our strategy that will favour the frontal anarchist action against all authority.

Our proposal to place the wager of setting up a multifaceted insurrectionary anarchist front is simple; an action campaign by the name ‘Black December’ which will be the detonator for the restart of anarchist insurgency, inside and outside the prisons.

A month of coordinated actions in order to know each other, take to the streets and smash the displays of department stores, occupy schools, universities and city halls, distribute texts that will spread the message of rebellion, place incendiary devices against fascists and bosses, hang banners on air-bridges and main avenues, flood the cities with posters and flyers, blow up houses of politicians, throw Molotov cocktails at the cops, tag the walls with slogans, sabotage the smooth flow of merchandise amid Christmas, loot the displays of abundance, carry out public activities, and exchange experiences and rationales around various topics of struggle.

To meet each other in narrow urban streets, and paint on the ugly buildings of banks, police stations, multinationals, military camps, television studios, courts, churches, charitable corporate groups with ashes.

To deregulate the deadly social regularity of psychotropic drugs, economic suffocation, misery, impoverishment and depression in a thousand ways, regulating our existence to the rhythms of anarchist insurrection, where life takes on meaning; into the ceaseless battle against domination and its representatives. To set fire to the fragile social cohesion and go out into the streets, being the first to strangle the monster of economy before it exterminates us through its bureaucratic mechanisms and its killers in suits who staff the command centres of the economic warfare.

Black December does not seek merely to become some days of rioting; instead, what we want is to create – through multiform and multilevel anarchist action – an informal coordination platform on the basis of which the subversive impulse will be brought together; a primary attempt for an informal coordination of anarchy, beyond the predetermined frameworks, which aspires to build on this particular experience of struggle so as to set both subversive proposals and fighting strategies in motion.

This proposal of ours is simultaneously linked with corresponding legacies of struggle beyond our geographic boundaries; some months ago, in Mexico, a group of comrades attacked the national electoral institute with an explosive device, and called for a polymorphous and dynamic anti-election campaign, for a Black June, which was embraced by a significant part of the anarchist movement. Polling stations and ministries were engulfed in flames, clashes with cops spread in streets of the cities, public gatherings were held, and texts of anarchist propaganda against the elections were handed out. A mosaic of multifaceted activity, with different political references and starting points, by which anarchy responded to the electoral circus of democracy, having as tools the principles of horizontality, informal coordination and constant insurrection; such experiences of struggle, where collective imagination and determination create liberating foci of war on the new order of things, make it clear that there’s a prospect for factual abolition of the well-known pseudo-polarity between legal and illegal, and simultaneously make anarchist projectualities timely through the fires of insurrection.

The wager of subversion remains open; the fate of this proposal lies in the hands of comrades from the whole spectrum of struggle, who will choose whether it’s worth setting it in motion.

“The first night in the cell, thoughts from his free life were traveling in the neurons of his brain at breakneck speed. He knew that captivity is the logical consequence of confrontation with an enemy holding the superior firepower on all levels.

For those who have sabotaged the rail tracks of the train of terror belonging to a social reality that in every possible way exterminates those who are putting it into question, the prison bars will be a reality; but, of course, this doesn’t mean such a reality will be accepted without a fight.

With these thoughts in his head, he closed his eyes and dreamed not what he would like to live outside the walls but the longstanding nightmare of inertia, waiting, and tampering of one’s instincts.

The next morning, facing the monotony of a captive repeated daily routine for the first time, he was already sick of being patient; he had seen it aimlessly traveling through the labyrinths of tolerance in the first signs of a covert cowardice. He locked his hatred in the suitcase of intact emotions next to his love for freedom, and handed the key over to a comrade, asking him to leave it next to the graves of murdered comrades who have fallen in combat with the enemy.

The years passed, and the only thing that prison managed to do to him was fill him with wrath, make him impatient for what is to come, make him look for ways to practice anarchist warfare; he had by then realised that the only feasible alliance is the one with the world of probabilities.

A bunch of probabilities to convince the majority of people in this society that his choice is not something between madness and a deadlock, but enough ones to make it worthwhile to wager on them for the great idea of destruction. The great idea of a head-on collision with the world of shadows and its submissives. The prison door opens, and now he knows what to do; keep the memory alive, leave no space for oblivion, never forget the comrades left behind, pick up the thread of insurgency from where it was interrupted, pour the poison of insubordination into the reproduction networks of the capitalist society.

For lasting anarchist insurgency!

No truce with Power and its puppets!”

For a Black December!

For the anarchist offensive against the world of Power!

PS. December 11th marks two years since our brother Sebastián ‘Angry’ Oversluij lost his life, during an armed bank expropriation in Chile, from gunfire of a uniformed servant of the system. We believe this Black December is a chance to honour the memory of our anarchist brother, unifying anarchist memory and abolishing borders and distances in practice.

Nikos Romanos

Panagiotis Argirou, member of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire – FAI/IRF

PDF in English — please spread far and wide!
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“To the customers – Insurrection and Doublethink”

To the customers
Insurrection and Doublethink

To those who…

To those for whom the end of civilization is a bookstore or grocery business;
To those who consider insurrection as a breach in the monopoly of falsehood, representation, power;
To those who are able to sense that behind the dense fog of the “crisis” there is a theater of operations, maneuvers, strategies and therefore the possibility for self-promotion;
To those who launch “attacks” in order to occupy seats in the municipal council;
To those who seize the propitious moment to display themselves in the mass media;
To those who don’t seek accomplices, but political friends;
To those who don’t desert, but who infiltrate;
To those who mock the refusal to participate in this world;
To those who organize others into a party, perhaps – why not – into a historical party;
To those who intend to give life to a revolutionary force, as long as it’s institutional.

A contribution to a debate that has need of
a single way of thinking shared by all…


«By spreading his tail this bird so fair,
Whose plumage drags the forest floor,
Appears more lovely than before,
But thus unveils his derrière.»
Guillaume Apollinaire, The Peacock

The Invisible Committee’s second book, like the first, was published in France by the same publishing house, La Fabrique, whose name is a homage to workerist ideology. Its animator is Eric Hazan, a real character of an editor, as well as a historian and philosopher. Beyond being, of course, a bitter enemy of the constituted order, although his First Revolutionary Measures (the title of one of his books written together with the zombie of Kamo, who, some whisper, was also dug up on the plateau of Millevaches near Tarnac) has not completely managed to make people forget his latest counter-revolutionary measures (his electoral propaganda in favor of the socialist François Hollande, later elected prime minister). Like the preceding work, To Our Friends is also part of the battle series of La Fabrique editions, the same series that includes works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao, Blanqui, Gramsci, Robespierre, as well as three titles from Tiqqun … But Hazan doesn’t only have eyes for the grandpas and grandsons of authoritarian revolutionary thought: his 2010 catalog can also brag of Les Mauvais Jours Finiront: 40 ans de combats pour la justice et les libertés (The Bad Days Will End: 40 Years of Fighting for Justice and Liberty), the title that, with the piquant communard-situ flavor, serves to spice up a hot dish from an author as insipid as the Judiciary Union. Well? What’s strange about this? Nothing, considering that in 2003, Hazan had already distinguished himself for the publication of the diary of the founder of the National Police union, who spent twenty years doing this «good job in which one helps people and protects society», while in 2005 he published the book of an auxiliary doctor of the police who desired to let the public know what it takes to care for the health of the arrested in the police station.

In short, as you’ve understood, Eric Hazan is a revolutionary, well-read and lacking prejudice.

The back cover of the Invisible Committee’s new book, along with listing to whom it is addressed, concludes with the by now inevitable affectation of humility, a genuine trademark of certain movement areas. This new editorial effort is simperingly presented by its authors as a «modest contribution to an understanding of our time». Now, it is already annoying to hear a scholar complimenting himself for his erudition, or a muse bragging about her beauty, or a strong man asserting his strength. But modesty? To flaunt one’s modesty is to fall into the most flagrant hypocrisy, it is bellowing out one’s conceit. But, as we will see, the Invisible Committee is the supreme master of contradiction.

Starting with an ostentatious humility, the I.C. is announced with great fanfare. In the original promotional press release for the book in France, we actually read: «In 2007, we published The Coming Insurrection … A book that has now ended up being associated with the ‘Tarnac case’, forgetting that it was already a success in bookstores … Because it isn’t enough that a book be included in its totality in a file of an anti-terrorist investigation for it to sell, it is also necessary that the truths it articulates touch that readers due to a certain correctness. It must be acknowledged that a number of assertions by the Invisible Committee have since been confirmed, starting with the first and most essential: the sensational return of the insurrectionary phenomenon. Starting in 2008, a half-year has not passed without a mass revolt or an uprising taking place to the removal of the powers in charge … If it has been the sequence of events that has conferred its subversive character to The Coming Insurrection, it is the intensity of the present that makes To Our Friends an eminently more scandalous text. We cannot content ourselves with celebrating the insurrectional wave that currently passes through the world, also congratulating ourselves on having noticed its birth before others … To Our Friends is thus written at the peak of this general movement, at the peak of the experience. Its words come from the heart of disorders and are addressed to all those who still believe sufficiently in life to fight. To Our Friends wants to be a report on the condition of the world and of the movement, an essentially strategic and openly partisan writing. Its political ambition is boundless: to produce a shared understanding of the times, at the expense of the extreme confusion of the present.»

Advertising language knows only the absolute superlative. The words of this presentation sound so lacking in modesty as to be inappropriate if addressed to potential friends, usually not so inclined to welcome such arrogance. But perfect if one intends to address potential customers luring them with the promise of strong emotions. Isn’t it true that every new product that gets put on the market is presented as if it were a «masterpiece», an «experience you don’t want to miss», a «unique sensation»? In 2006, an essay on the propaganda of daily life that appeared in France, published by Raisons d’agir editions, also pointed this out, declaring that «Another symptom of the influence of advertising is the inflation of hyperbole, particularly in … book and film reviews (…) Journalists make the jobs of the copywriters of the advertising agencies easier, littering their articles with enthusiastic formulas, rich with adjectives … The incestuous relationship with advertising contributes to making [of language] a tool of programmed emotion, an impulsive language, just as on describes ‘an impulsive purchase’.» Curious – but we are not at all surprise – that the author of this essay, entitled LQR, is precisely Mr. Eric Hazan, who in the costume of the essayist lashes out against this invasion of advertising into the language that in the costume of editor he welcomes with the aim of programming readers to the impulsive purchase of his products.

Putting aside the poverty of self-promotional gimmicks, such a conceit brings to our minds some considerations of an old and well-known Italian anarchist, who mocked the «sweet mania of all idolaters. Thus, marxists attribute everything to Marx, and one passes for a marxist even if one says that bosses rob the workers (ah! so you admit the theory of surplus value, they shout at you in a triumphant tone) or if one affirms the millennia-old truth that to assert reason force is required. If you say that the sun shines, the mazzinians will say that Mazzini said it, and the marxists will answer that Marx said it. Idolaters are made this way.» The Invisible Committee is also made this way, it is an idolater of itself. It only remembers the disorders that broke out after its book was blessed by FNAC or Amazon – not even the insurrections and rebellions that exploded starting from 2007 were due to it, not even the rebels who rose up throughout the planet, did so because they were aroused by reading its text. And what about what happened, for example, in Oaxaca or Kurdistan in 2006, in France or Iran in 2005, in Manipur (in India) or Syria in 2004, in Iraq and Bolivia in 2003, in Argentina in 2002, in Algeria in 2001, in Ecuador in 2000, in Iran in 1999, in Indonesia in 1998, in Albania in 1997 … not to mention the ongoing revolts that break out in countries impenetrable to western information like China?

Let the low-down scoundrels of the Invisible Committee resign themselves. They have predicted nothing, they have not discovered and announced anything new. Storms don’t break out to confirm the words of the meteorologist. There have been insurrections throughout history, and they have no need of anyone to theorize them in order to explode. Neither revolutionaries who discuss them in their autonomous publications, nor intellectuals who transform them into logos of success on the publishing market. So if the I.C. brag about being aware of the insurrectional phenomenon before others, then they have to ask themselves who these others are: their competitors in the climb in sales ratings for titles of political critique? Toni Negri who obsesses them so much in the competition for theoretical hegemony of the extreme left, or Stéphane Hessel who incites to the civic insurrection of consciences, or Naomi Klein, icon of the anti-globalization movement, whose books have all sold many more than them, clearly because .. they have articulated even more correct truths?

However it may be, we admit it, the Invisible Committee has achieved a first. Before others, it has commodified insurrection.

But in case advertising hyperbole isn’t successful, emotional participation intervenes. In the book’s preface, the rugged members of the Invisible Committee enthrall their readers with their personal confidences, making the readers participants in their adventurous life: «Since The Coming Insurrection, we’ve gone to the places where the epoch was inflamed. We’ve read, we’ve fought, we’ve discussed with comrades of every country and every tendency. Together with them, we’ve come up against the invisible obstacles of the times. Some of us have died, others have seen prison. We’ve kept going. We haven’t given up on constructing worlds or attacking this one.» It is here that that sensation of deep embarrassment, almost shame, for someone else comes out. The strength of anonymity is in its ability to unburden the meaning of an idea or an action from the identity of the one who formulates it or carries it out, returning it in this way to a full availability in its universal essence. But what is there to say when it gets used only to take the license of claiming or boasting about who knows what undertakings? Who is the Invisible Committee out to impress when – certain that no one could refute it – it evokes its omnipresence in disorders, death and prison suffered by its members, its irreducible tenacity? Such boastfulness might impress its customers, but it provokes everyone else to savage sarcasm. We also take for granted that the collection of author’s rights has allowed it to make insurrectional tourism, or rather to compete with pacifists and leftists, the police and journalists in rushing headlong to wherever there were outbreaks of revolt. But we still doubt that the I.C. has discussed with comrades of every tendency (okay, let’s not be too persnickety: «and every tendency» except for those who don’t adore them). Finally, who among its initiates is dead and how? It doesn’t say, this way making fantasy fly. Is the Committee speaking of those fallen on the field during insurrections? Or more simply of the dedicatees of this new book? Maybe Billy and Guccio and Alexis were all part of the Committee? And which of its members ended up in prison? The hacker Jeremy Hammond?

We strongly doubt it, but it is completely useless to dwell on such questions. After having been the self-proclaimed spokespeople of the «historical party» of insurrection, nothing remains to the Invisible Committee but to inspect its properties, coopting the revolt of others through the use of the royal «we» that makes it reflect on «global action by our party», or to recall that on «May 10, 2010, five hundred thousand of us flooded into the center of Athens.» Just as in the past the intellectuals of the Situationist International bragged of expressing the revolutionary theory, maintaining in defiance of ridicule that their ideas were «in everyone’s heads – it is well-known», in the same way the intellectuals of the Invisible Committee brag in the present of expressing the insurrectional event, maintaining – in equal defiance of ridicule and feeding off of the slogan of Anonymous – that they are legion and are everywhere on the barricades erected over the planet. It is well-known!

Here it is: the last peacock of the zoo of the extreme left, utterly intent on opening its tail with phosphorescent feathers to put itself on display before its public.

Extract from “To the customers”, available as soon as possible.

[In Italian: “Ai clienti – insurrezione e bispensiero”, 88 pages;
requests for copies can be sent to: nosennemis (at) gmail.com]

Afterword to new Italian edition of “At Daggers Drawn”

Note from Contra Info: We publish the following English translation as we received. We reiterate that we may diffuse contributions regardless of whether or not we agree with any given views. We’d just like to point out that the 2012 Spanish edition mentioned below is also one we have opted to diffuse, here.



Beaten Daggers

Published in May 1998 by NN editions, created seven months earlier by some anarchists that had taken part in the experience of the weekly Canenero, in the course of 17 years, this pamphlet has gone around the world, having been translated into Spanish, Portuguese, English (with editions in the United Kingdom, the United States, and Australia), French, Dutch, German, Swedish… Since it has nourished much reflections, furnished ideas, reinforced inclinations, raised doubts, as well as provoking irritation (the concept of the «existent» above all, in its unbridled totality, has shown itself rather indigestible to those who aspire to administer at least something of what is the state), one can affirm that in its own small way, At Daggers Drawn has made its contribution to the spread of an autonomous anarchist insurrectional perspective. A perspective at the same time irreducibly hostile to «little reforming steps» and not at all charmed by «a revolt for a few close friends to the sound of pyrotechnic fires and badly put together slogans». Born from the refusal of the false alternative between citizenist reformism or vanguardist armed-strugglism, these pages therefore maintained the necessity and the immediate possibility of an insurrectional poetry made by all, not to be confused either with sad political propaganda or with bombastic communiques laying claim to actions.

Considering its respectable international fortune, it’s bewildering that At Daggers Drawn has not been reprinted in the place where it first appeared. And yet, it is precisely in Italy that this text has had the least resonance, victim of “identitarian” prejudices and rancors nourished by a large part of the so-called movement in the face of the environment in which it arose, as well as a substantial lack of interest toward any deep examination and critical debate about this. In fact, in 1998, the insurrectional idea was viewed with a certain deprecatory pity by the militants of various schools – all desirous of a peaceful «exodus» into a «non-state public sphere» – who in most cases considered it a fortune that could occur in an exotic Chiapas and, in the worst case, a cataclysm that could strike a rough Albania. As if insurrection were only able to raise the social question at the distance of an ocean, and usually through authoritarian organization, force instead in Europe to manifest in ephemeral and frightening explosions of blind fury. Ceasing to linger over every possible distinction between insurrection, uprising and riot, the events of the last 17 years have made such convictions waver, but without managing to completely deny it. As heady as it is in its persistence, the Greek fire seems to be an exception in the midst of the norm of «Arab springs» or «liberated Kurdish territories» on the one hand, and French racaille or English riots on the other.

This said, it is undeniable that the strong convulsions to which the whole social order is prey at the start of this third millennium have extinguished the smug smile of many subversives in front of those who dare to call for insurrection here and now. Yesterday’s skeptics are transformed into today’s enthusiasts to the point of making it become a downright international best-seller on the editorial, media, and militant marketplace. The reason is easy to understand: the social peace that accompanied the 1980s and 1990s, in its most inflated and complacent aspects, is terminated. The virtual wealth is not able to compensate for the real poverty, the supermarket shelves may even gleam with goods, but their consumption is no longer accessible to those who find themselves forced to tighten their belts. Or almost everyone. Today voluntary servitude is still certainly majoritarian, solidly majoritarian, but it has lost its air of stupid innocence. Discontent, malaise, and indignation spread everywhere in an unstoppable way, causing worry, panic, but also some hope for a counter-charge. These feelings of frustration will get pacified in a new institutional social cohesion or, in the face of the relentless succession of «political scandals», «financial crises», «ecological catastrophes», «religious wars» … will they finally provoke a generalized hostility?

But then, if the insurrectional theory is back on the table, why does it seem that At Daggers Drawn has not left a trace and memory even among the anarchists themselves, precisely in Italy? Continue reading Afterword to new Italian edition of “At Daggers Drawn”

[USA] Fire to the Prisons #12 is available now

The new issue of Fire to the Prisons is now completed and available online.

Check out the new issue, print your own copies, and view past PDFs at our new website: firetotheprisons.org (NOT TO be confused with .com, which is hosted by unknown sources).

Fire to the Prisons is an insurrectionary periodical. It focuses on promoting a revolutionary solidarity between different struggles, prisoners, and existing social tensions that challenge capitalism and the state.

We made 10,000 copies of this issue because we wanted to get them as far and wide as possible. In order to create a publication for free to comrades and the general discontented public, we have forfeited our traditional magazine form and went with a less costly newspaper. We hope to spread this as far as it can go. A lot of blood, sweat, and tears went into this project and we hope that it shows.

If you would like to order bulk copies of the newspaper, please order from LBC at their website (littleblackcart.com/Fire-to-the-Prisons-12.html). LBC will send out issues for only the cost of postage.

All direct inquiries, ranging from questions, feedback, to requests for copies can be sent to: firetotheprisons[at]riseup.net

Prisoner support groups such as the NYC Anarchist Black Cross (nycabc.wordpress.com) and East Bay Prisoner Support (eastbayprisonersupport.wordpress.com) have stepped up to help with distribution for prisoners via snail mail. Drop us a line if you are a prisoner support group looking to do the same.

We are still looking to make back the amount that was spent printing the publication, so if you are interested throwing us some money – or better yet, organizing a benefit event, please get at us.

We’d also like to thank everyone who made this project possible – and all who have supported us in the past. Everyone that spent long hours looking at PDFs, those that built our new website, the friends that will help us print and distribute this paper, all those that contributed to the publication, and everyone that has given us encouragement along the way. Without you, this project would not have been possible.

For a borderless affinity,
For those that truly know the meaning of silence,
For all our comrades yet to be made free from the horrors of the State,
Fire to the Prisons

Email / Website:
firetotheprisons[at]riseup.net / firetotheprisons.org

For Free Bulk Copies Go To:

Free Copies for Prisoners without Internet Access can be Ordered Here:
Post Office Box 110034, Brooklyn, New York 11211 [USA]
East Bay Prisoner Support
PO Box 22449, Oakland, CA 94609 [USA]

‘Avalanche – Anarchist Correspondence’, issue 4

Dear comrades,
The fourth issue of Avalanche just came out. To get paper copies in English, please send us a mail: correspondance[at]riseup.net. If not, you can also download the PDF from the website avalanche.noblogs.org. The Spanish and now also German version of this fourth issue are in the making and will soon be available.
anarchist greetings,
a v a l a n c h e

İstanbul: ELF/Insurrectionary Solidarity Faction sabotaged a road roller for Nikos Romanos

On the night of December 1st, 2014, we broke the windows of a road roller and cut its cables in the Kocasinan district of Istanbul, with the intention of showing our solidarity to anarchist prisoner Nikos Romanos, who is on hunger strike for 26 days, and then to Yannis Michailidis, Andreas-Dimitris Bourzoukos and Dimitris Politis, who have started a hunger strike in support to Nikos Romanos in Greek prisons. Then we spray-painted some slogans on a wall close to the target: “Nikos Romanos” and “Fire to the prison cells”.

With this small action, we also salute warriors who are fallen while not giving way to ISIS butchers, we salute rebels who refuse to stay as protestors, then fight against cops and attack to the targets of repression and exploitation in Mexico, France, Ferguson and Santiago, we salute ALF-ELF cells who increase actions and attacks in Istanbul and around, we salute the insurrectionaries who got bored of being armchair revolutionaries, who got bored of insurrectional vaporings and fetishism of organisation, and of losing their anarchic imagination in the swamp of liberal opposition.

Until freedom of Nikos Romanos and all anarchist prisoners of war around the world…

Until Total Liberation…
Social War!

Earth Liberation Front (ELF) / Insurrectionary Solidarity Faction

Source: Sosyalsavas.org

[Greek prisons] Nikos Romanos: Liberating Journeys of Attack

The following text is intended to be the continuation of a dialogue on the tools of anarchist insurgency and the ways of organizing ourselves; a dialogue that was initiated at an international anarchist encounter somewhere in the countryside of France and now continues from a prison cell in Greece.

The opinions expressed here are my own personal views, so it should be clear that they promote a particular position on the issue. However it is not desired to have one position prevail over all the others; what matters is how the various different, yet complementary, points of view communicate and interact with each other. In the face of an enemy that’s very flexible as regards the use and multitude of means and forms of attack, the diversity of considerations and practices on the part of anarchists is self-evident. Whichever different perspectives cannot be promoted dogmatically but rather based on a rationale of multifaceted attack.

First we need to talk about the very concept of organization, a word quite misunderstood in anarchist circles.

We face an enemy with complex and complicated functions. One of the main characteristics that make the enemy powerful is the constant evolution and organization of the social paranoia we are experiencing today: a technological, military, architectural, civil, industrial, economic, scientific organization. Every aspect of this world is being organized, constantly correcting its imperfections through an intelligent system which has a great number of servants.

In the face of this condition, whoever believes that one is able to fight without organization is naive to say the least.

“In 1972, the pigs mobilized 150,000 men to hunt the RAF, using television to involve the people in the manhunt, having the Federal Chancellor intervene, and centralizing all police forces in the hands of the BKA; this makes it clear that, already at that point, a numerically insignificant group of revolutionaries was all it took to set in motion all of the material and human resources of the State; it was already clear that the State’s monopoly of violence had material limits, that their forces could be exhausted, that if, on the tactical level, imperialism is a beast that devours humans, on the strategic level it is a paper tiger. It was clear that it is up to us whether the oppression continues, and it is also up to us to smash it.” (Ulrike Meinhof)

We can thus say that whoever does not organize himself/herself will turn into a harmless aggregation that will be assimilated to the alienation mechanisms of the existent sooner or later. They will lose the combative attributes that make them dangerous for the enemy and subsequently be deported from the field of antagonistic battle.

Conversely, whoever has decided to fight this system will need to organize their hatred, in order to become effective and dangerous. So, the discussion about ways of organizing ourselves, having attributes inherent in our anarchist values, begins somewhere at this point.

The dilemma then is whether we will organize ourselves through a central anarchist organization that will be the reference point for the anarchist movement, or in a decentralized and diffuse manner through anarchist affinity groups that will maintain their political autonomy both in terms of action and collective decisions.

As regards the centralizing mode of organization I will speak in general, instead of specific, terms about who, and how, have opted for it in Greece.

If you look at it historically, these two forms of organization have always existed but never coexisted. In the Spanish civil war, anarchists were organized at the central level to combat the fascists, and the same thing happened during other revolutionary attempts.

The same is the case with most urban guerrilla warfare organizations in the past decades that approached new comrades in the context of a particular political project, thus aiming to strengthen the organization instead of an armed diffusion, where the autonomy of each individuality opens up the possibility of creating chaotic fronts of attack.

This understanding of organizational ways should not be viewed separately from the social and political conditions of the time.

The combatants of those times studied their adversary with their own analytical tools, fought for freedom and paid the price with murders, harsh prison sentences, tortures, solitary confinement wards. Those among them who haven’t renounced their values make their own critical assessment of the experiences acquired through the years, experiences which obviously deserve careful study; but if we cling to that we are doomed. What matters is what we’re doing today, in the era we live in.

So, for me, the central organization and the revolutionary centralism are ghosts we need to banish from us.

Besides, an indication of this is the fact that all the remaining central anarchist organizations have simply kept the glorious hallmarks of those times, having sunk deep into reformism while they renounce direct action and rebellion in everyday life, and have nothing to do with something pertaining to combativeness. They refuse to understand the enormous changes at the social and political level, they refuse to talk about the edges of contemporary oppression, the advancement of science, the technological fascistization, the domination of multinationals, and merely trot ideologized theories about the conflict between capital and labour out, using terms that were written one hundred years ago, in another era of capitalism.

Worse still, they refuse to act, unable to understand that if they lived in the glorious past they reminisce about they would only be extras because they would never take any risks.

Now, as regards the revolutionary centralism within urban guerrilla groups, even though I understand the causes and effects behind such a choice, I disagree with that because I believe that our goal is not to walk all together according to a common political project-program but rather to diffuse our means and urge everyone to safeguard their autonomy, thus contributing to the creation of new perceptions and possibilities for the intensification of polymorphous anarchist action.

This is why I opt for the informal organization, which I consider more qualitative and effective for reasons I will explain later. The basic component that gives tangibility to the informal organization (and not only) is nothing other than direct action; otherwise, we would be just a bunch of charlatans with dissident rhetoric.

The most important thing for an anarchist is deciding to undertake action because, in this way, the individuality breaks through the fear inflicted by domination regarding the choice of revolutionary action; when you take action, you overcome inhibitory factors that lead you to inactivity, you take your life in both hands and acquire the ability to affect to a greater or lesser extent the circumstances that define your life. Undertaking action is the equivalent of reclaiming our life that was stolen from us, thus shaping the characteristics of a free human who fights to get rid of their shackles, their social commitments, on a daily basis, abolishing the authoritarian roles imposed on them and building a culture that gestates the quality of a new life, the life of an anarchist insurgent who inflicts open wounds from razors on the contemporary world.

After having made such a decision, comes experimentation. Anarchists shouldn’t have fixed positions; they’re constantly on the move because, without moving, they are driven to self-destruction by ideological dogmatism. They reconsider things, criticize themselves, and explore the collective experience to adapt it to the current historical data. They put their hearts on ice to withstand pain, and set fire to what’s left to wipe out the traces of their past “quiet” life. From this point forward, what counts is the struggle, but also vengeance, because whoever felt violence firsthand and did not seek revenge are worthy of their sufferings.

Let’s go back to the issue of practical experimentation, that is, action with many ways, many methods and many forms.

I believe that the organization of our destructive desires should be expressed through Action Networks of high distinctiveness, where everyone will be able to read one’s own words and works, get inspired, reflect, and act alongside us or fight against us. Being (communicatively) visible is part of our purpose to bring about the maximum degree of social polarization in order to clarify everyone’s role in the authoritarian edifice, and then pass from armed critique to a critique of arms.

In my opinion, the responsibility claim is what gives meaning to an action, leads it to your desired objectives, and explains to whoever is interested in breaking the vicious circle of oppression and passing on the offensive the motives and reasons that made you do it. Simply and clearly. In a world of generalized information overload and terrorism of virtual bombardments, no action can speak for itself unless the subjects-actors speak out about it.

The high level of distinctiveness that I mentioned above is related to both invariable insurgent names and acronyms; for me invariable names in insurgent actions are of particular importance because, in this way, your actions are linked to each other, stepping up their momentum at the same time.

Furthermore, your discourse takes on greater importance, as it is connected to the consistency of your action. You have the possibility to devise strategies of insurgent action making your overall rationale understood, creating a point of reference and issuing a challenge to action, thus exacerbating the revolutionary threat, breaking up the State’s monopoly on violence, as anarchists claim their share of violence to turn it against the enemy.

Turning now to the use of acronyms, it’s similarly useful on a more comprehensive level; their main importance is their contribution to recognizing resistance that is manifested without a centre, but instead horizontally and chaotically at the same time, depending on the choices of rebels.

I think that the existence of acronyms is also important as a propaganda tool. Translation networks can do the work of a messenger between insurgent groups regardless of whether or not the latter use an acronym. Nevertheless, the existence of one or more informal networks that use acronyms and recognize one another enhances the momentum of actions placing them within an overall context, rather than something fragmentary, and creates a solid (as to its existence, that is, continuous action) structure which is anarchist and insurrectionary at its root.

Instead of an epilogue

It is clear already that in the name of “citizen security” artificial social threats are constructed in a way to provide political alibi for committing the greatest state crimes, establishing more and more practices of control and surveillance, and toughening anti-terrorism laws. All this is aimed at enabling the privileged citizens of developed countries, who have been awarded this prestigious label, to feel safe while their statist protectors massively and indiscriminately sow death around them.

This is why I envision a belligerent condition in the urban centres where every day the rebels will organize plans for attacks, creating an asymmetric threat that will tear social cohesion and political stability to bits and sow insecurity in the reproduction centres of capitalism. The smooth flow of goods will no longer be taken for granted, and the representatives of oppression will live in fear.

We have nothing to wait for, so we organize ourselves and strike the society of capitalism; revolutionary actions shape the objective conditions, let’s multiply them.

Strength to all captive and fugitive comrades
Strength to the 4 anarchist hunger strikers in Mexico*

Nikos Romanos
Dikastiki Filaki Koridallou, Ε Pteryga, 18110 Koridallos, Athens, Greece

October 2014.

First published in the 3rd issue of Avalanche (November 2014).

* Transcription note: At the time of writing Fernando Bárcenas, Abraham Cortés Ávila, Carlos López Marín and Mario González, incarcerated in different Mexican prisons, were still on hunger strike. On October 17th, 2014, the comrades called off their strike. On October 31st, Mario was released from prison. Freedom for all!

Mexico City: Bank branches attacked in solidarity with Mario, Carlos, Fernando and Abraham

A gesture of solidarity…

On the night of October 12th we used stones, slingshots and Molotov cocktails to sabotage two banking entities in Iztapalapa delegation of Mexico City.

Revolutionary solidarity is how we also show our support to the imprisoned comrades on hunger strike since the 1st [until the 17th] of October by attacking those responsible for this miserable everyday living. It is our response to the harassment of the comrades by guards, physicians and the staff of penitentiary institutions. So ours is a target easily identifiable and relatable to domination.

The insurrectionary anarchist perspective goes beyond the fetishism of fire or weapons. Our approach to anarchy is a struggle that has no interest in being a televised spectacle, nor need for “self-promotion” due to lack of promotion by the State. So ours is a simple and direct communication that corresponds to the requirement of the moment concerning the striking comrades; a simple and easily reproducible means.

The insurrectionary anarchist perspective is a method, often suitable for the generalization of individual and social conflict that subverts the normalcy. For insurrection as many other forms (and in their entirety) open up possibilities for a veritable revolution. An anarchist method for radical and profound change.

No mediation or dialogues with the State and the Capital!

For the struggle against all kinds of power, including the so-called Popular Power that is being sold to us as autonomy!

in spanish

Greece: A few words related to the call for a week of actions in solidarity with anarchist prisoners

Every society you build will have its fringes, and on the fringes of every society, heroic and restless vagabonds will wander, with their wild and virgin thoughts, only able to live by preparing ever new and terrible outbreaks of rebellion!
Renzo Novatore

We are writing this text to all anarchists and rebels, in and out of prison walls throughout the world, in response to the international call for a week of actions for anarchist prisoners (August 23–30). A coordination of actions through calls of this type is needed, all the more so at the international level, urging individualities and collectives to act as they can and feel, and to express and diffuse the anarchist struggle for liberation. However, we should not depend on only these calls to get our voices heard and our actions shown. So, taking for granted that we are at a raging war, and having chosen this side, we are confronted with an enemy who has every means to beat us in our every step of attack. Armies, cops, control technology with cameras, advanced surveillance, storage of DNA samples and fingerprint profiles, the media, and so many other institutions and mentalities constitute domination that we are hostile to. In this war, the only certain thing is that we will have prisoners, or even victims, and that’s where the verification of the battle itself lies.

We are going through a period in which the Greek State has captured dozens of anarchists in its prisons for their acts against domination. Prison has not managed and will never succeed in bending the morale and the fighting temper of anarchists, and this is shown by their daily dignified attitude in the cells of democracy but also the struggles they give behind bars. “Innocence” and “guilt” is a fake distinction that only applies to the arsenal of the State.

Within the framework of generalized repression, the bill on the type C prisons and the new special conditions of detention was passed during the summer, following the American and European standards for crushing the dignity of prisoners. Without losing time, the authorities have already started the first transfers of inmates from the hellhole of Domokos to other prisons, emptying the prison of Domokos to convert it into a maximum security facility, and the first prisoners to be held there will be anarchists and urban guerrilla fighters.

The more the stranglehold of prison is tightened, the more their democracy and correctional system reproduce a death in doses, pulling us into the lethe in terms of our individual freedom and true living.

Cops, judges, prison guards and their throng, troglodytes in bondage to their democracy, enslaved to their own misery, consumers of useless goods which domination offers generously, are going through an everyday death in terms of cancerous life. Holders of senior positions, who take advantage of their authority, are trying to recast a lower kingdom of nationals who dream of grandeur just like them. They forge the human mind to become a suitable mold for casting artificial values and institutions, pushing humans into apathy through the media, the drugs, the generalized consumer culture, through religion and patriotism, holding the individual away from thinking and acting on their desires. Drowned in inertia, humans choose to stupefy themselves, undergo the 8-hour brutalizing slavery, nourish themselves on contrived notions, cling to addictions of the system, and be enslaved to a predetermined life before a certain and idle death.

Rebels who have no horizon beyond the walls of their coercions are also introverts in their nonexistence. Seeing oneself through the perspective of coercions means that one accepts the direction set by Power, thus either accepting or merely repelling it. Insurrection must aim for the total destruction of Power; nothing less than everything is enough for us.

Domination wages war on all fronts, destroying not only human lives but also launching an onslaught to enslave non-human animals and the nature, so our answer must also be on all fronts aiming at total liberation. Partial struggles have their own importance; however, nothing will be free until all are free.

Anarchist fight until the destruction of the last prison
Solidarity with anarchist prisoners throughout the world

Anarchists for total liberation

‘Avalanche – Anarchist Correspondence’, issue 2

Click image to read issue #2 / July 2014

There’s no other way. Our trajectories should not consist of running forward with blindfolds on. One has to keep finding the time, space and energy to remain critical towards his or her own activities, one’s own projects. Not the criticism that make you fade away into inactivity, compromise and defeatism, only favoring the slow but steady absorption by authoritarian society, but the critique that continuously feels the heartbeat of the struggle. Yes, we are speaking of the critique that allows one to verify that one’s acting is still synchronized with the ideas one is nourishing, that allows for perspectives to be deepened and struggle experiences to be fertile ground for further assault on authority. And this also counts for the very modest project of offering a space of international anarchist correspondence.

A third issue then, and therefore, also some questions and doubts. The initial idea of this project was not so much to read through the existing anarchist publications and pick out some significant texts to republish them in Avalanche. No, the idea was – and still is – that comrades would contribute words and analyses, ideas and questions, from out of their own context, their own paths, and their own experiences (as several contributions sent by comrades in this issue do) so as to give life to this correspondence and make it a dangerous matter. Dangerous, because away from the continuous information bombardment that seems only to promote passivity, away from the theatrical scenes of political representation which has also infected the anarchist movement, away from the very modern obsession with facts and figures, dead material which cannot fertilize the inseparable duo of ideas and dynamite of anarchism.

(…) we send our greetings to all the comrades out there, wherever they are, in whatever situation they might be.

July 2014

correspondance@riseup.net // avalanche.noblogs.org

Santiago, Chile: Responsibility claim for street battle at the USACH on May 20, 2014

On May 22, 2009 anarchist comrade Mauricio Morales (Punky Mauri) died after the unexpected detonation of the explosive device he was carrying in the direction of the miserable prison guard school, of the $hilean gendarmerie, sinister institution dedicated to the training of repugnant beings that are willing to torture and humiliate others.

Five years since he fell in combat, we vindicate his braveness in action. Let the citizens know we exist, the ones who oppose the rationalities imposed by an authoritarian system; who believe in horizontality and also in affinity; who do not forget the ones that died in actions against Power or at the hands of police; who strongly embrace the ones that resist with dignity behind bars, in the cold cages of prisons.

We are neither the first nor the last ones that decide to oppose domination; before us, there’s a long history of those who considered violent action as a way to destroy the prevailing order.

We believe it’s necessary to generate an instance where memory and action join together, when we remember those among us who have taken this way in order to grow qualitatively, and be able to raise the stakes in battle, having already reached a point of no return.

We also have a sense of clarity and the conviction that we are not the last ones fighting against those who attempt to dominate us, that there will be others who will leap over their bars, smash their glass windows, burn down their houses, and make their precious social peace tremble.

Let it be known that no one is forgotten, nothing is settled, nothing is over.

Comrade Mauricio Morales is present in every action, gesture and instance against authority and exploitation.

New issue of international anarchist publication ‘Avalanche – Anarchist Correspondence’

Click image to read issue #1 / March 2014

“We do a warm call to all comrades who can recognize themselves in it to contribute to the project of Avalanche, an international anarchist correspondence, in the way they consider most appropriate. Among many other occasions and opportunities we hope this project offers space to the strengthening of the relationships across borders and to propel the anarchist struggle.”

Previous issue here. For paper copies, please send a mail to correspondance@riseup.net

AVALANCHE Anarchist Correspondence | Correspondance anarchiste

Appendix to an aborted debate on anonymity and attack

A debate is the in-depth exploration of a certain question through the confrontation between two or more sides, each one with their own position. Unlike those who think that debates are to be avoided as to not provoke divisions, we think that they have to be nourished. Because the goal of a debate is not to declare a winner before whom all have to bend the knee, but to enrich the conscience of each one. Debates clarify the ideas. The enunciation of and the confrontation between different ideas – a debate is exactly this! – elucidates the dusky parts and indicates the weak points of these ideas. This helps everybody, nobody excluded. It helps all of the sides who are participating in the ideas to refine, correct or reinforce their own ideas. And it helps everyone who assists to the debate, who will make a choice on which side to be (be it the one side, the other side, or neither of the sides discussing).

The history of the anarchist movement is full of debates. All were useful, even if sometimes they were painful. But its history is also full of lacking debates, different ideas which were never confronted, leaving everybody to their own initial certainties (or doubts). Was this for the better, since in this way sterile polemics have been avoided? According to us, no, it was for the worse, because in this way fertile discussions were prevented.

One of this lacking debates is about the use or not of acronyms, representing real organizations, claiming the direct actions against dominion. It seems to us that this debate, although important, was aborted on the moment it was born.

On an international level, one of the openings towards such a debate was proposed by the Letter to the anarchist galaxy which appeared at the end of 2011. This letter was a presentation of the ideas in favor of anonymity and against the use of organizational and claiming acronyms. It also spoke about the insurrectional perspectives, the notion of informality and the multiplicity of attack.

Exactly a year later, in November 2012, at the occasion of the international anarchist gathering in Zurich, the anarchists of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire spread a text in which they presented the reasons in favor of using organizational acronyms and the reasons against anonymity. This text also presented some more general ideas about the anarchist intervention, like the relation towards “intermediary struggles” or the formation of urban guerilla groups. Good. Starting from different ideas, each of the sides made their own presentation. To launch the debate, the only thing still lacking was to confront these different ideas. And this is what for example the anarchists who in August 2013 spread a text called Anonymity in which they take explicitly as a starting point the writings of the CCF to criticize and to reply. Continue reading Appendix to an aborted debate on anonymity and attack