Tag Archives: Pola Roupa

Athens, Greece: Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis continue hunger strike in Koridallos prisons

On December 5th 2017, Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis were forcibly removed from Koridallos prisons (both were subjected to headlocks, holds, etc.) and were involuntarily admitted to the General State Hospital of Nikaia. The prison prosecutor pressed physicians to force-feed the two hunger strikers. The hospital doctors refused to treat the prisoners against their will, and solely reported that Nikos Maziotis has lost 14.6% of his initial body weight, while Pola Roupa has lost 12.8% of her initial body weight.

On December 6th (on the 26th day of their hunger strike), Roupa and Maziotis were finally discharged from the hospital and returned to Koridallos prisons, determined to continue their hunger strike until their demands are met (among other things, they request extended visits with their six-year-old child).

Maziotis was informed that he would be placed in a disciplinary segregation unit, until damages at B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison are repaired. This means that the comrade is being punished for having completely destroyed the solitary confinement wing where he has been held for over 5 months, and is now facing appalling conditions, even worse than the previous ones.

Athens, Greece: Involuntary hospitalization of Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa

Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa are on hunger strike since November 11th 2017.

The two imprisoned comrades are fighting against isolation measures; against specific provisions of the new correctional code aimed at repressing them as high-security prisoners; against the proposed detention of high-security prisoners in police stations; against the intended reinstatement of the type C prison regime. They also demand an immediate end of the solitary confinement imposed on Nikos Maziotis (since July, the comrade is kept isolated from other prisoners by a decision of the justice ministry); an extension of visiting hours based on the frequency of visits a prisoner has; appropriate visitation rooms for incarcerated parents to meet with their children.

They made it clear from the outset that they only receive water. They have repeatedly asked to be granted unhindered phone communication with their six-year-old son before being transferred from Koridallos prisons to any hospital.

On December 2nd, Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were transferred to a hospital outside the prisons due to the deterioration of their health condition. However, the next day both comrades asked to be sent back to the prisons because eventually they were not permitted unhindered phone communication with their child.

On December 4th, Nikos Maziotis burned and destroyed the B isolation section in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison, where he has been held in solitary confinement for 5 months. He was then moved to the prison infirmary because of the fumes, and was threatened with further isolation – this time in a disciplinary unit of Koridallos prisons.

In the early hours of December 5th, hunger strikers Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa were forcibly transferred outside Koridallos prisons. The prison prosecutor ordered their involuntary hospitalization. They are currently being kept at the General State Hospital of Nikaia, both threatened with force-feeding. As of yet, the hospital doctors have not succumbed to the prosecutor’s order.

Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa continue their hunger strike. They have stated they will not accept serum, and will act against involuntary treatment and force-feeding (torture) in every possible way.

(all related posts in Greek)

Greece: Imprisoned Comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, Revolutionary Struggle Members, Begin New Hunger Strike

We’ll meet in the streets of rage (A)

November 11, 2017

THE ROTTEN SYSTEM AND THE ABSENCE OF RESISTANCE ARE THE REASONS FOR THE ROTTING OF SOCIETY

Almost 10 years after the outbreak of the crisis with the collapse of the financial system, bank bankruptcy, and seven years after the commencement of the era of the memorandum and the monitoring of the country by the troika (IMF, EC, ECB), the social base in this country has suffered the strongest blow since the Second World War.

Greek puppet governments have definitively delegated substantial economic and political governance to EU supranational organizations and indirectly to the capital markets and are imposing new measures of social euthanasia for large sections of the population in this country, they are now insignificant for their added value to capitalist wealth. That’s why it does not matter if they disappear. This condition of condemnation is also a prerequisite for the survival of the system itself, for the preservation of the political regime, for the perpetuation of capitalism.

The government’s propaganda to overcome the crisis and return the Greek economy to a recovery path is a common European lie to showcase the supposed success of the programs and memoranda, to allow the EU to be removed from the obligation to continue to financially support the Greek regime and to let the capital markets take the lead from the EU in the recycling of Greek debt and speculation through it. A debt that regime agents already admit that if not drastically reduced in the immediate future will force the Greek state to declare bankruptcy. Not least that the exit to the markets of the Greek state will further exacerbate the already exaggerated Greek debt, which now exceeds 180% of GDP.

The message, however, that the world’s powerful have taken from these years with the rescue policies of the system by the central banks and governments that have put the whole weight of the crisis that the rich created on the backs of the peoples: whatever they do they have their pack animals, the social base, to bear the crisis and produce profits. And the usual practice of enrichment through the swelling of global debt and its financialization continues until the next collapse. But the people have already suffered a huge blow. The social base in the country counts millions of poor, marginalized and desperate. It counts thousands of deaths from hunger, illness and suicide.

The SYRIZA-ANEL government’s minister [of Tourism] Kountoura argued that it is a government success that people do not eat from the rubbish. People still do eat from the trash, but they no longer show them on television. This is why it is a universal political priority to support the “success story” of the memorandum by all parties and the media.

The theft of any surplus wealth left to the social base continues with unabated tension by the government with wage and pensions cuts, the abolition of public insurance, the taxation of the most economically weak, all while poverty is rising, on the orders of the EU the banks will throw thousands of borrowers onto the streets, and there is no chance to persuade the government to get out of the crisis.

The only success of the government is social passivity and the defeat of struggles. Because the basic precondition for imposing these criminal policies in the country that threw thousands of people to the margins, which killed thousands, was and is political normality and the absence of a strong social reaction. Because the smaller the resistance of society, the more ruthless the system becomes.

The social reactions to the memorandums somehow came to a standstill as the regime was determined to impose the memorandums at all political expense. But the reason these memoranda were imposed was the absence of an expanded and powerful revolutionary movement that could be an obstacle to the social euthanasia policies. Upon the defeat of the resistance SYRIZA stepped in to climb to power. The SYRIZA-ANEL government has also been the last sparks of reaction to the system and policies to overcome the crisis.

Today, the social base is rotten, while the economic and political lords of the country have secured their wealth in tax havens and in foreign banks. The Paradise Papers come to recall what everyone knows: That the economically powerful and their political aides are not touched by any crisis and it does not concern them that any measures are imposed. In a “legal and moral” (sic) way they will continue to enrich themselves while millions of people die of hunger and poverty.

Nowadays, the social base is rotten because this rotten system is killing to survive, because it kills social solidarity and cohesion and pushes it into crime. The war of all against all is the beginning of capitalism and the economic freedom of the rich to do whatever they want with the support of governments. It is the beginning of the absolute competition that has dominated the planet.

Their own creations – the crimes among the social bases – are nowadays the politicians’ number one issue. “Order and security” is the common slogan of the political elites to deal drastically with these phenomena which the regime itself gave birth to. One of the most popular aspects of propaganda is crime among the social bases today. It is the phenomenon that the regime itself generates and nourishes.

And, on the other hand, the great criminals, the real terrorists and the bandits that make up the economic and political power, remain immune. Continue reading Greece: Imprisoned Comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, Revolutionary Struggle Members, Begin New Hunger Strike

Bern, Switzerland: Local jail and police van attacked with paint bombs

On Saturday January 21st 2017, we paint-bombed the regional jail in Bern in a complete denial of all prisons. On the way back from our action, a cop van made the mistake of pursuing us and had to retreat after our determined intervention. This action was taken in solidarity with the global action day for trans prisoners and the call for support of the group Revolutionary Struggle in Greece.

Trans Prisoner Day of Action and Solidarity

January 22nd marks the second annual global Trans Prisoner Day of Action and Solidarity. Scrutinizing glances, abomination, isolation, harassment and sexualized violence are double for trans persons in prisons, owing to the physical and emotional restraints of the literal cage that leaves them no way out. This event is organized at worldwide level by trans prisoners and their supporters. It enables those on the outside to remember those behind bars, show solidarity and increase awareness about issues faced by trans prisoners. It also enables those on the inside to raise their voice and organize together.

Action Day in Solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

A global day of action in solidarity with the prisoners of Revolutionary Struggle was called for January 21st. No matter how strongly the authorities may believe that by imprisoning anarchists they can eliminate the (armed) struggle, they’re wrong. In complete complicity, whether inside or outside prison walls, we stand for a world free of domination. In doing so, we do not hope for leftist parties such as Syriza, that’s only interested in social pacification, and has yet again revealed its true face through the arrest of Pola Roupa and her son, as well as with its treatment of anarchist prisoners.

Solidarity with all anarchists and other political prisoners, who’ve been kidnapped and incarcerated.

in German | Greek

Exarchia: Banner drop at Themistokleous 58 Squat in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

On January 5th 2017, worms of the antiterrorist unit arrested the anarchist fighters and Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Konstantina Athanasopoulou. That same day, the six year old son of Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis was captured and placed in a psychiatric ward. In response to attempts to cut the child off from his revolutionary parents, the three members of Revolutionary Struggle Roupa, Maziotis and Athanasopoulou undertook a hunger and thirst strike, forcing the prosecutorial authorities to hand over the boy to his grandmother, pending a decision on the final custody.

On Sunday January 22nd 2017, we dropped a banner from the squat that reads “Long Live Revolutionary Struggle” in Farsi, English and Greek. With this small internationalist gesture, we send strength to the unrepentant members of Revolutionary Struggle, and we declare that we stand with those who arm themselves to strike blows against persons and structures that make up the State/Capital and domination.

From Athens to Tehran, all statist snitches need killing.

Themistokleous 58 Squat

[Greece] January 21st 2017: Action Day in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle

The poster reads:

“I am a revolutionary, and I have nothing to apologize for.

Terrorists, criminals, robbers are those who compose the economic and political life; the institutions and governments that, through the memoranda, are waging the most violent, the most heinous attack on the social base in the name of a “way out of the crisis.” Terrorist, criminal, robber is the State and Capital; those whom I fight committed with all my soul to armed struggle, to Revolutionary Struggle; those whom my organization has targeted all these years of our activity.

(…) when the economic and political establishment attacks the social majority in the most merciless way, armed struggle for social revolution is a duty and obligation; because that’s where hope lies and nowhere else. The only hope for a definitive way out of the systemic crisis we are living in this historical period, for a definitive way out of every crisis. It is the only hope towards overturning capitalism, the system that gives birth to crises; the only hope towards overturning the State and Capital.

It is the only hope for an armed counterattack of the social base against a system that crushes them.

It is the only hope towards overthrowing the State and Capital; for Social Revolution.

For a society of economic equality and political freedom for all.”

Pola Roupa

“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle. The only terrorists are the State and the Capital.”

Konstantina Athanasopoulou

Demonstration in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle members

Saturday January 21st 2017 at 12:00 in Monastiraki (downtown Athens)

SOLIDARITY WITH THE REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE MEMBERS

NO EXEMPTION STATUS OF POLITICAL PRISONERS

STRUGGLE AGAINST THE STATE AND CAPITAL BY ANY MEANS

Solidarity Assembly (Athens)

Full text of callout in Greek

in German, Italian, Portuguese

Greece: Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas placed with relatives

Banner hung by the anarchist squat Utopia A.D. in Komotini, northern Greece: “Six-year-old captive; the hatred is growing; cops–judges–media filth, murderers”

Today, Sunday January 8th 2017, after a new prosecutor’s order, temporary custody of Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas was given to the grandmother on his mother’s side, so his captivity in the psychiatric unit(!) of the children’s hospital in Athens was finally terminated. The six-year-old child left the hospital escorted by his first-degree relatives.

Meanwhile, there were protests by inmates at Koridallos men’s and women’s prisons, Elaionas women’s prison in Thebes, and Trikala prison.

Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa and Kostantina Athanasopoulou have interrupted their thirst and hunger strike.

A court will decide on the final custody of the child within six months.

in Italian

Athens, Greece: Three Revolutionary Struggle prisoners on hunger & thirst strike – Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas abducted

In the early morning hours of January 5th 2017, two Revolutionary Struggle members, fugitive comrade Pola Roupa and anarchist Konstantina Athanasopoulou were captured at a southern suburb of Athens. Anti-terror cops raided a hideout with Pola and her six-year-old son inside, while Konstantina was arrested in another house nearby.

After being forcibly removed from his mother, Lambros-Viktoras Maziotis Roupas—the small son of Revolutionary Struggle members Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa—is being held captive inside a children’s hospital guarded by cops(!), without any access to visitations by his close relatives or even the legal representative of his parents.

The Greek authorities, and in particular the public prosecutor for minors Mrs. Nikolou, still refuse to entrust the child to first-degree relatives of Pola Roupa.

In response to this, three Revolutionary Struggle members—the anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis, the recaptured comrade Pola Roupa and the newly arrested Konstantina Athanasopoulou—have undergone hunger and thirst strike since January 5th, demanding that the six-year-old be immediately placed with his aunt and grandmother (relatives on his mother’s side).

In an open letter Nikos Maziotis stated, among others, that: “Our son is the child of two revolutionaries, and he’s proud of his parents. We will not succumb to any blackmail. We defend our choices with our very life”.

On January 6th, during the women’s transfer to Evelpidon courts, Pola shouted: “The worms are holding my kid captive at Paidon (children’s hospital in Athens), guarded by armed cops; at the age of six, he is a prisoner of war” and: “Long live the Revolution!”. Furthermore, Pola stated: “I am a revolutionary, and I have nothing to apologize for.”

Below is Konstantina’s statement:

“I am an anarchist, member of the armed revolutionary organization Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas). The only terrorists are the State and the Capital. I refuse to eat and drink anything until the child of my comrades Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis is delivered to relatives of theirs.
Konstantina Athanasopoulou”

On the inside, anarchist prisoners and other inmates at different wings of Koridallos male and female prisons have mounted a joint protest by refusing lock-up, to claim an end to the captivity of Lambros-Viktoras in solidarity with the Revolutionary Struggle prisoners currently on hunger and thirst strike.

On the outside, comrades in various cities throughout Greece have carried out diverse actions in immediate support of the anarchist revolutionaries, demanding that the first-degree relatives of Pola Roupa be granted immediate visitation and custody of the underage child.

Strength to Konstantina Athanasopoulou, Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis, proud members of Revolutionary Struggle.

Revolutionary Struggle will neither lay down arms nor surrender to the enemies of freedom.

in German | Italian | Portuguese

June 11, 2016: Against Maximum Security Prisons – Against Every Prison

PDF versions versions of the call-out: for reading | imposed

June 11th 2016: International Day of Action

For June 11th, 2015, we emphasized transition in the struggle and in the lives of the prisoners we support. This year we’re focusing on a different kind of transition: the restructuring of the prison system and thus doubling down on opposition to Maximum Security, isolation, and `s. High-security facilities are not new: for example, Communications Management Units isolated Daniel McGowan and Andy Stepanian for years. But now we are at a new juncture: there is both a fresh focus on the part of the authorities reorganizing prisons to maximize repression against long-term and combative prisoners, while simultaneously cutting costs. In response there has been a wave of resistance and revolt–in the streets and in the prisons. As this wave spreads organically, we feel impelled to contribute in support of our imprisoned friends and comrades.

Around the world, repression intensifies against anarchists, their comrades, and their families. The left-wing SYRIZA government in Greece continues the isolation of rebellious prisoners in the C-type maximum security prisons. The Spanish state attempts to criminalize anarchist solidarity through an “anti-terrorist” spectacle of raids, arrests, and show trials. Anarchists from Santiago to Kansas City face decades in prison for choosing the path of revolt and for their refusal to bow before pressure from the state. Everywhere we look: the state’s jaws clamp down on rebellion.

But all this cannot break our comrades or the spirit of our struggle. As Mónica Caballero and Francisco Solar are sentenced to twelve years in prison, anarchists respond to their persecution with smoke and shattered glass. As the Greek state levels its force against the families of the imprisoned comrades of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire and condemns Nikos Maziotis to life in prison, fugitive comrade Pola Roupa attempts to hijack a helicopter to free the imprisoned fighters. As Osman Evcan and Eric King both fight the state’s attempts to starve them for their refusal to consume flesh, comrades mobilize to ensure that their demands are backed with acts of solidarity. As the Chilean state continues to arrest and imprison anarchists, an intransigent minority strikes back in vengeance. As the State of Ohio continues to restrict Sean Swain’s communications, those holding the controls find their names and addresses spread online. As the state constructs an “anti-terrorism” roundup in Belgium, the multiform struggle against prison society there continues, unflinching and defiant. As the United States prison system continues its brutal enforcement of white supremacy and the social liquidation of undesirables, prisons from Alabama to Nebraska face the flames of rebellion. Everywhere we look, the revolt against prison society deepens and spreads.

Click here to continuing reading the text from June11.org

Koridallos prisons: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence

Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial

The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe.

Revolutionary Struggle has proven that it has remained standing over the years, despite successive repressive blows and sacrifices: the blood of comrade Lambros Foundas, who was killed on March 10th 2010 in a shootout with police in the district of Dafni, Athens, during a preparatory action of the organisation; our arrests a month later, April 10th 2010, on the eve of Greece’s signing of the first memorandum; my arrest on July 16th 2014 in Monastiraki, Athens, where I was injured following a chase and shootout with police. Revolutionary Struggle remained standing because we undertook political responsibility for our participation in the organisation – in Greece, we were the first armed revolutionary and anarchist organisation to do so – and because we defended our history, the organisation’s actions and our comrade Lambros Foundas, who gave his life so that the memorandum wouldn’t pass; to turn the crisis into an opportunity for social revolution. We remained standing as an organisation because we didn’t mind paying the cost and price, because we didn’t turn ourselves into betrayers or deserters, because none of us tried to save one’s own skin at the moment of repression. It’s precisely because we claimed political responsibility that we stayed alive as an organisation in prison in 2010–11. We gave a political battle against the enemy in the 1st special court. Once released from prison after 18 months in pretrial detention, we chose not to surrender ourselves to imminent imprisonment and went underground instead, to continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity.

The attack of Revolutionary Struggle – Commando Lambros Foundas on April 10th 2014 against the Bank of Greece, a branch of the ECB – one of the most popularly-hated organisations that make up the quartet of supranational bosses – but also a building that housed the office of the IMF’s permanent representative in Greece, annulled the 2010 repressive operation, and continued the organisation’s strategy that was launched in 2009 with the attacks on Citibank’s headquarters and one of its branches, a Eurobank’s branch and the Athens Stock Exchange. For years Revolutionary Struggle is faced with the spearhead of state repression, since the issue of dealing with the organisation and generally armed revolutionary activity is a major priority for the survival of the establishment, seeking to eliminate the internal enemy for the smooth enforcement and implementation of bailout programs, which constitute policies of social genocide and cleansing of parts of the population.

In 2007, the U.S. Department of State and the Greek State placed bounties of 1 million dollars and 800 thousand euros, respectively, after the organisation’s attack with an anti-tank RPG at the U.S. Embassy in Athens. In 2010, the Papandreou government celebrated our arrests, and a government official stated that they prevented a blow that would end the economy, on the eve of the signing of the first memorandum and amid fear of Greek economy’s collapse. In 2014, after we had gone into clandestinity and had been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment by the 1st special court, the Samaras government placed a bounty of 2 million euros on our heads – one million on comrade Roupa and another million on me. My arrest, three months after Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Bank of Greece, was celebrated by Greek authorities. U.S. officials congratulated them on my recapture and made statements on political stability. Special measures were implemented after my arrest and, in December 2014, I was transferred to the newly-inaugurated type C maximum security prison, this being the first such transfer of a political prisoner, already preannounced since my recapture. In April 2015, I was included in the list of “international terrorists” designated by State Department, even though I was in prison. The authorities have now unleashed a manhunt to arrest comrade Roupa. All this demonstrates that combating Revolutionary Struggle holds great significance for the establishment. That is, repression against Revolutionary Struggle and implementation of memoranda, together with the establishment’s political stability, go hand in hand.

Last link in the chain of the establishment’s repression against Revolutionary Struggle is the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation, a few days after the prison escape attempt. I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for two expropriations of bank branches and shooting of cops who persecuted me in Monastiraki. The imposition of the severest possible sentence for the organisation’s attack against the country’s bosses is a conscious political decision and not just a procedural exaggeration. As I have already stated, this decision aims not to terrorise me – because they know I am and will remain unrepentant – but those who’ll want to opt for armed struggle, comrades of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu and other fighters within society. This political decision – applied for the first time in Greece in regard to a bombing attack which took place following a phone call warning, causing no injuries, but only material damages – is aimed at multiple recipients and sends out an intimidation message, that fighters who’ll opt for armed revolutionary activity will be treated with the utmost severity.

This decision demonstrates the establishment’s increasingly harshening stance against their number one enemy – Revolutionary Struggle, armed fighters. It’s not difficult to understand why, at a time when the SYRIZA-led government has voted the third memorandum, which is harsher than the previous ones. The big difference between penal treatment in the 1st and the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trials may give rise to misinterpretations; I would therefore like to point out the following: Since the enactment of anti-terrorism laws in 2001 and 2004, this special legislation constitutes a political choice of Power in order to deal as effectively as possible with urban guerrilla in Greece as a major threat to the establishment. A provision in the anti-terrorism legislation allows life sentence, not for homicide, but for explosion as a result of which there was danger to humans or an injury occurred. I was sentenced to life in prison under this provision. Special court decisions in trials against armed fighters are eminently political decisions; the elements in the accusatory dossier are often of secondary importance. For example, as demonstrated during court hearings of the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle in regard to the organisation’s attack against the Bank of Greece, even though there was a phone call giving 50 minutes warning before the explosion, the security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the Bank of Greece’s security supervisor. The security supervisor himself admitted there’s a standard regulation which obliges the security staff to stay inside the building despite the threat of explosion. The same happened at Piraeus Bank’s headquarters located opposite the Bank of Greece, where security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the bank’s head of security. As demonstrated in the 1st trial against the organisation, the same also happened on September 2nd 2009 in Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Athens Stock Exchange building, where security staff stayed inside as ordered by the head of security.

It’s thus demonstrated that those who are responsible for causing danger to humans are the executives of the economic Power and establishment’s mechanisms and central structures, such as banks and the stock exchange, who consider people and entire populations to be expendable; even the security officers of their facilities. Because, for them, their profits override everything; their profits, which are dipped in blood and misery, override human life itself. These are the mechanisms that the Greek people consider responsible for the policy implemented over the last six years, which has resulted in thousands of deaths and millions of poor, destitute and hungry people. These are the mechanisms whose executives (bankers, major shareholders, big businesspeople) alongside their subordinates (politicians of Greek governments) the Greek people consider responsible for the devaluation of life of millions of people, for suicides and pauperisation; not the fighters of Revolutionary Struggle. Revolutionary Struggle’s attacks against such mechanisms and structures are to a great extent popularly and socially accepted.

In both the 1st and 2nd trial against the organisation, I have been consistent in facing the enemy at special courts. This entails the undertaking of political responsibility, the political defense of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, armed struggle and Revolution for the overthrow of the State and Capital, without counting the cost and the price. This is the duty of every fighter, every anarchist, every revolutionary who is faced with judges and organs of the enemy. The sentence to 50 years imprisonment in the 1st trial was based on the undertaking of political responsibility. This is why we were convicted as accomplices in the organisation’s 16 actions by the theorem of collective responsibility, rather than being convicted as actual perpetrators. The State’s response to the fact I remain consistent in my trajectory as a fighter and continue to defend Revolutionary Struggle, and by extension armed struggle and the prospect of Revolution and the establishment’s overthrow, was the outcome of the 2nd trial, where I was sentenced to life imprisonment for one action, the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece. My entire trajectory after the initial arrests in 2010, the fact that Revolutionary Struggle stayed alive during the pretrial detention in 2010–11, the fact that comrade Roupa and I defended the organisation’s activity at the 1st special court, our choice to not surrender ourselves to prison, to go into clandestinity and continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity with the attack against the Bank of Greece, this entire trajectory and all these choices are based on the undertaking of political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle after being captured in 2010. This is what the State attempted to crash by means of the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation.

My sentence of life in prison was a message to the fighters who assume political responsibility and do not repudiate their activity and membership in their organisation.

Things are becoming increasingly clearer for the fighters who want to resist and the political prisoners. The dilemma “repudiation or life imprisonment” (in the old days there was execution by firing squad) comes into effect; a dilemma put by Power, a dilemma that in the old days was “repudiation or death”.

Over time, in order to suppress any revolutionary perspective, the State doesn’t confine itself to military predominance over its rivals only, but it also attempts their political defeat by forcing them into political repudiation. In the case of the Western-European urban guerrilla in the 70s and 80s, especially in Italy, the target of political repudiation was not one’s convictions or political identity, but rather armed struggle as being one of the means of struggle and urban guerrilla organisations. In Greece, the dilemma put by Power was once this: either repudiation of communism, or imprisonment and, in other circumstances, execution by firing squad. Nowadays, more indirectly, the dilemma is this: either choice of armed revolutionary struggle with heavy costs and consequences, or renunciation of armed revolutionary struggle as being one of the means of struggle. Either undertaking of political responsibility for one’s participation in an armed organisation and defense of its activity, or acceptance of the State’s pursuit of repudiation of an armed organisation and one’s membership in it, and by extension of armed struggle, in the face of fear of going to prison.

In other, more difficult periods like the Occupation and the Civil War, the price to pay for the struggle was the firing squad; and not only for armed struggle. Many fighters faced with the dilemma “repudiation or death” preferred the firing squad; of course not because they wanted to become martyrs, but because they believed that repudiation is a shame and disgrace; as such, it was considered worse than death. There were armed militants and guerrillas of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army) and DSE (Democratic Army of Greece), but also fighters that didn’t wage armed struggle, who remained unrepentant and were sent by thousands to the firing squad during the Occupation and the Civil War; they were executed in Goudi, in Kessariani shooting range, in Chaidari and Pavlou Mela camps, on Makronissos and Corfu, in Yedi Kule. Similarly in Spain, after Franco’s victory, thousands of armed anarchists who fought for Revolution in 1936–39, and waged guerrilla warfare until 1975, were sent to firing squads in Campo de la Bota, Montjuïc, Carabanchel, or strangled by the method of garrote – used as a means of execution for heretics since the Inquisition.

The struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital is an activity that requires unwavering convictions, responsibility, consistency, commitment, political engagement, steely will, and political and theoretical knowledge of principles and experiences of the historical revolutionary tradition. How can we even talk about struggle, social liberation, revolution, Anarchy, asking others to participate in a subversive struggle with all the costs and consequences that it entails, if we ourselves are unable to assume responsibility for our political choices?

For the first time in decades – since the era of the post-Civil War State, when ELAS guerrillas who were excluded by the 1945 Treaty of Varkiza, which didn’t recognise their activity as being political, as well as those of DSE remained in prison for at least 15 years – there is a prospect that political prisoners sentenced to 25 years or life imprisonment for armed revolutionary action will remain many years in the prisons of the contemporary Greek State-marionette of the supranational economic elite. We’re going through a period where Power is even indirectly trying to pose dilemmas for educing credentials once again, as in the past, to break us with the spectre of long-term incarceration.

The struggle for Social Revolution, for overthrowing the State and Capital, must go on despite the difficulties, the cost and consequences. We will never surrender the weapons of our struggle.

NO PEACE, NO TRUCE WITH THE STATE AND CAPITAL

ARMED STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS,
MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle

in Portuguese | Turkish via isyandan.org

[Greece] Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison

Below is the first part of the comrade’s long letter; originally published in Greek on Athens IMC (March 8th 2016).
Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.

On February 21st [2016], I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.

A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?

He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.

Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.

Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.

He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.

Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.

Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.

This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.

As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June [2015]. With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.

In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.

In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.

Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.

I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.

This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.

THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE

[…]

I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
member of Revolutionary Struggle

German | French | Portuguese | Italian via Croce Nera Anarchica

Athens: Prison sentences in the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle

On March 3rd 2016, the Koridallos prison court sentenced all co-accused in the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014 (when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police); and expropriations of bank branches.

Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to life in prison plus 129 years and a fine of 20,000 euros.

Revolutionary Struggle (fugitive) member Pola Roupa was sentenced to 11 years in prison on misdemeanor charges (if arrested, she will stand trial on felony charges, too).

Antonis Stamboulos was sentenced to 13 years in prison.

Giorgos Petrakakos was sentenced to 36 years in prison plus a fine of 9,000 euros.

Koridallos prison court: Trial statement by Giorgos Petrakakos

On September 24th 2015, Giorgos Petrakakos – wanted for bank robberies – was arrested in the city of Volos together with his life companion Maria Theofilou (who is also the sister of imprisoned anarchist Tasos Theofilou). Both are currently held in Koridallos prisons, Athens.

On October 16th 2015, the second trial against Revolutionary Struggle began with regard to the attack with a car bomb containing 75kg of explosives against the Bank of Greece’s Supervision Directorate in central Athens on April 10th 2014; the shootout in Monastiraki on July 16th 2014, when comrade Nikos Maziotis was injured and recaptured by police; and expropriations of bank branches. The co-accused in this trial, all facing terrorism charges, are two Revolutionary Struggle members: Nikos Maziotis (imprisoned in Koridallos) and fugitive Pola Roupa; Antonis Stamboulos (remanded since October 1st 2014), who denies all charges; and Giorgos Petrakakos.

During court proceedings, Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis assumed responsibility for two bank expropriations that took place while still underground (one at the National Bank branch in Methana, and another at Piraeus Bank branch in Kleitoria, Achaea), as well as his participation in the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece (10/4/2014), and shooting of cops in Monastriraki (16/7/2014).

The second trial against Revolutionary Struggle is already close to its end, because the presiding judge has imposed fast-track proceedings – to prevent comrade Antonis Stamboulos from being released from prison before conclusion of the trial (as the pretrial detention upper limit in Greece is 18 months).

Below is the trial statement by Giorgos Petrakakos, whom the media/police have imaginatively portrayed as an “accomplice of Nikos Maziotis.”
I find myself accused because I have participated in some bank robberies.

No matter how many years of imprisonment you’ll impose upon me, I don’t understand and won’t be able to figure out why this is considered as an accusation rather than a title of honour, since banks are responsible for wiping out an entire population.

I am accused by this court for three robberies as an alleged member of Revolutionary Struggle. I am also accused, in other accusatory dossiers, for the robbery in Distomo and for aggravated possession of weapons as a member of an unknown terrorist organisation… An unknown terrorist organisation I was allegedly about to set up, or what the authorities would fantasise about… When I was caught, the anti-terrorist police accused me of and tried with various tricks to attribute my involvement in four armed organisations as well as Revolutionary Struggle. Apart from these four organisations, they’ve also allowed me an extra gift: Revolutionary Struggle.

I would not be surprised if in the coming months I’ll be accused not only for the robberies in which I did participate, but for any unsolved robbery that has occurred in Greece over the last hundred years.

I do not care at all about the sentence, and I know that the police are asking your court to convict me severely. For me, there’s no difference whether I’ll be sentenced for one robbery or three. So I’d like to explain a couple of things, not because I want to achieve a lesser sentence, but to officially testify to the truth.

I started robbing banks in 2002, but not because I liked an easy life. Besides, this kind of life is far from easy. I instinctively positioned myself against this inhumane machine that feeds itself on humans. I find this system unjust, a system that supports banks and is supported by them. I consider it violent and thieving. Robbers and terrorists are the banks. Criminals are those who support them. My decision to rob banks was my own lonely way of fighting them.

I have never organised myself in a political manner, and my contact with the anarchist milieu was and is personal and friendly relations I developed with some anarchist fighters whom I met in prison, especially from 2003 to 2006. I respect and appreciate their struggle, their selflessness and ethos. I think that they have justness on their side; however, I’ve never had any connection with any legal or illegal, unarmed or armed group or organisation. I believe also that my prosecution for participation in Revolutionary Struggle is done for communication purposes, to serve the theory for the anti-terrorist police of an allegedly operational link between “penal-code offenders and terrorists”. I was ideal for this experiment of theirs as, on the one hand, I am a bank robber – a delinquent activity, which nevertheless has social acceptance – as opposed to being, let’s say, a drug trafficker; on the other hand, it’s known that I have personal relations with some anarchists. But personal relationships and likings are entirely a different thing compared to participation in a revolutionary organisation.

To serve their own propaganda purposes, the anti-terrorist police wish to charge me with involvement in more than two revolutionary organisations, if possible.

It’s no coincidence that my name and photograph began to feature breaking news and front pages immediately after the arrest of Nikos Maziotis, portraying me as his right-hand man and other such grotesque stories, when nothing in fact connects me to him, and there’s not even a shred of evidence which can confirm such a scenario.

It doesn’t suit my nature to make declarations of law-abidingness. I proudly declare that I am a bank robber. If I was involved in Revolutionary Struggle I would declare it so and defend my choice. But I’ve consciously chosen another path in my life.

My life itself is revolutionary as I’ve chosen it to be, as I’ve created it myself, through my choices in staying out of the automated lifestyle.

Furthermore, I have not participated in all the robberies I’m charged with. Even if I wanted to, it would be practically impossible to have done as many robberies as – according to accusatory documents – they try to charge me with, given the fact the ones I was involved in required several months of planning, in order to achieve the best possible result in the smoothest way, putting always the safety of citizens first, even at the expense of my own safety. In each of the robberies in which I’ve taken part not a single nostril bled, nor did I ever need to fire a single shot in the air to intimidate anyone. Those robberies were always planned in detail, and we always took all necessary measures to avoid putting anyone in danger.

The accusatory dossier before your eyes is a rough mishmash of police media releases and nothing more. Of the facts I am accused in this trial, I admit my participation in the Eurobank branch robbery in Akrata [Achaea], even though the evidence you hold is in fact inadequate if not non-existent.

I will not give further information and won’t answer your questions.

Greek prisons – Revolutionary Struggle case: Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas transferred to Koridallos prison ahead of second-instance trial

On May 21st 2015, the Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters reported that the anarchist prisoners Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas were transferred from Domokos prison to the dungeon in Koridallos women’s prison ahead of the second-instance trial on Revolutionary Struggle’s action (2003-2010).

Gournas and Maziotis are currently separated from other prisoners convicted as members of armed revolutionary organisations, who are also being held in the basement of Koridallos women’s prison (i.e. four CCF anarchists, and the convicted 17N member Iraklis Kostaris).

The appeal trial in the Revolutionary Struggle case (2003-2010 action) will begin on Friday, May 22nd 2015, at 9am. The Solidarity Assembly for political prisoners & imprisoned and prosecuted fighters call everyone to express their solidarity with the comrades on trial and attend court proceedings at Koridallos prison.

The comrades who were sentenced in the first-instance court ruling are the prisoners Kostas Gournas and Nikos Maziotis, as well as the fugitive Pola Roupa, who have assumed political responsibility for their participation in the organisation, but also the conditionally released Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis, who have denied their involvement.

A few notes on the Revolutionary Struggle case:

The anarchist urban guerrilla group Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas) has carried out direct actions in Athens since 2003, targeting structures and organs of the State and the Capital, defending armed and class struggle, and aiming towards social revolution. Their revolutionary action includes a rocket propelled grenade attack, car bomb explosions, bombings and gunshots, among others, against the Finance and Labour ministries, the United States Embassy, the Athens Stock Exchange, anti-riot cops, police stations, court buildings, multinational corporations, banks, as well as a politician implicated in high-profile scandals.

In March 2010, anarchist Lambros Foundas was killed in a shootout with cops. A month later, Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas (in pretrial incarceration at the time) claimed political responsibility for their participation in Revolutionary Struggle and explained that Lambros Foundas was also a member of the same organisation.

In no way does the claim of political responsibility mean that these anarchists accept criminal charges such as ‘terrorist association,’ and so forth. Below are short excerpts from a letter of the three members on their reasons for undertaking responsibility after they were caught by police:

“By claiming political responsibility, we wanted to defend the armed struggle, and to highlight its timelessness and importance within the broader struggle for the overthrow and social revolution. (…) Also, by undertaking political responsibility we wanted to restore the memory and honour of our comrade Lambros Foundas, who was a member of Revolutionary Struggle and was killed in an armed battle with cops in March 2010 during an attempted expropriation of a car —a preparatory act of a wider action plan of our organisation.”

The first trial on Revolutionary Struggle’s action (2003-2010) started in October 2011 and reached its end in April 2013. Out of 8 defendants, only three were self-admitted members of Revolutionary Struggle: Pola Roupa, Nikos Maziotis (both of whom became fugitives in the middle of the proceeding) and Kostas Gournas. The three members received sentences of up to 50 years imprisonment.

Two other accused comrades, Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis, were sentenced to (a little over) 7 years, even though they have denied their participation in the organisation. They were then taken to prison alongside Kostas Gournas. In July 2013, Kortesis and Stathopoulos were granted conditional release and walked out of Koridallos prison under restrictive conditions.

In July 2014, Nikos Maziotis – who had gone underground along with Pola Roupa two years earlier – was seriously injured after a shootout with cops in the area of Monastiraki, central Athens, and taken captive. A few days later, he was transferred to a prison in northern Greece. The comrade was the first prisoner to be moved, on December 30th 2014, to the (then) newly-inaugurated ‘type C’ maximum security prison in Domokos.

Nikos Maziotis faces another trial, accused of the bomb attack against the Supervision Directorate of the Bank of Greece at Amerikis Street in Athens, in April 2014, the shootout in Monastiraki, and bank robberies. As a member of Revolutionary Struggle, Nikos Maziotis assumed political responsibility for the bombing at the Bank of Greece, framed within the second period in the ongoing action of the organisation.

Already in 2009, the anarchist urban guerrilla group Revolutionary Struggle was designated a ‘foreign terrorist organisation’ by the U.S. Department of State, in the aftermath of a rocket propelled grenade attack against the U.S. Embassy in Athens in January 2007. Recently, in April 2015, the State Department issued ‘terrorist designation’ against anarchist prisoner Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle.

Beginning May 22nd 2015, the appeal trial on the Revolutionary Struggle case (2003-2010 action) will be held in the special court of Koridallos women’s prison. In Athens, trial sessions in cases regarding so-called ‘terrorist’ organisations take place at courtrooms inside the prison. Each time that visitors and lawyers enter the specific courtrooms, their identity cards are kept upon entry, with all that this entails.

Solidarity with the urban guerrillas Kostas Gournas and Nikos Maziotis, members of the Revolutionary Struggle, and the comrades Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis, who stand trial in the same case.

Solidarity with the wanted comrade Pola Roupa, member of the Revolutionary Struggle.

To Whom It May Concern

In August 2014, Radioazione.org [“RadioAzione | controinformazione anarchica in diretta”] translated and transmitted in Italian one of the latest letters of comrade Pola Roupa (Revolutionary Struggle member who is currently on the run, always with a huge bounty on her head). The source of their translation – titled “Grecia: Scritto di Pola Roupa dalla latitanza sull’arresto di Maziotis” on radioazione.org/2014/08/grecia-scritto-di-pola-roupa-dalla-latitanza-sullarresto-di-maziotis – is omitted precisely because it is the English translation effort made by Contra Info that, in this case, also happens to bear the responsibility for the text’s first dissemination to non-Greek speakers: “Greece: Open letter of Revolutionary Struggle member Pola Roupa from clandestinity”. In fact, to never use material spread by Contra Info makes it all the easier to never mention any effort produced within our multi-language translation and counter-information project. However, to use/consume Contra Info’s work repeatedly being determined to silence its existence altogether, is a filthy practice by (not only) RadioAzione – who once again did not miss out on signing their own translation effort: on this occasion as “Tradotto da [Translated by] Erika”.

Non-Italian speakers may have no time to waste to really know about the crap transmitted online against comrade Pola Roupa (who, among other things, is indirectly characterized as fascist-minded in RadioAzione’s introductory note to that Italian translation). Below is a rough translation of their blurb:

._
« Note of Radioazione: What follows is the last writing, in chronological terms, of Pola Roupa that comes in the aftermath of the arrest of anarchist comrade Maziotis, and it is the last writing of Pola Roupa herself that appears on this site.
The reason is obvious.
This site does not want to divulge concepts that not only aren’t affine, but cannot be shared even in the tiniest part.
The “Courts of the people” or the “jails of the people” are concepts that should not belong to an anarchist, and reek of Marxist-Leninist theories, whose history differs from that of fascists only in colour.
This is also a point of reflection for the anarchists that go hand in hand with the reds and define themselves as antifascists.
To return to the main topic, the labour is labour, well paid or poorly paid it is slavery, it is the submission of human by human, the elimination of one’s own dignity.
Obviously in an existent like this one, in which we live, all those who do not have the courage to expropriate a bank are “compelled” to work, but still our main objective should always be that of arriving at the total destruction of labour and not the improvement of wages.
Similarly, our objective is to raze all courts and all prisons to the ground covering with their rubble those who have maintained the survival of these structures of death for centuries, and if one day the courts or the prisons will be of the people, our objective will always be the same.
Now the text; it was decided to publish it to make one understand even better why nothing from Pola Roupa will ever be published again; and since nothing of the same tenor has ever been said, or written, solidarity and complicity will continue to be given to the comrades Nikos Maziotis and Kostas Gournas:
»
_.

Needless to say that RadioAzione’s arrogance of releasing a fugitive’s letter only to denounce the views expressed by her, does not offer anything whatsoever to counter-information but rather distorts any notion of anarchic solidarity. Instead of not bothering to work on a text that they obviously dislike so much and finally zipping up their mouths, these idiots once again assumed the role of ultimate judges of blog posts relevant to purposes of counter-information, going as far as to make “solidarity and complicity” distinctions between self-admitted members of the same urban guerrilla group: the Revolutionary Struggle.

We can only imagine that RadioAzione don’t mind the fact that a great many of the trial updates from Greece, eagerly transcribed and transmitted also by them, actually come from original coverage by eksegersi.gr (after all, the latter communists/reds are hardly ever mentioned as source on various webpages; so, you might ask, how can the poor RadioAzione be aware of the lengths of their hypocrisy?). Incidentally, they decided to take down this blog post radioazione.org/2014/08/grecia-intervista-di-soccorso-rosso-internazionale-a-kostas-gournas – RHI-SRI interview with Kostas Gournas, imprisoned member of the Revolutionary Struggle, which was retrieved from ccrsri.wordpress.com/2014/06/22/intervista-a-kostas-gournas-4 (and, by the way, is full of serious translation mistakes). But how would they actually define self-admitted 17N member Dimitris Koufontinas, prisoner in Greece (see “Atene [Grecia]: Lettera di K. Gournas e D. Koufodinas” on radioazione.org/2014/04/atene-grecia-lettera-di-k-gournas-e-d-koufodinas, a text which originally derives from the Press, and is also published on kufontinas.blogspot.com/2014/03/blog-post_28.html): as a good consumption item corresponding to their notion of “controinformazione anarchica in diretta”?

Full support to our comrades in clandestinity!
Freedom for all imprisoned comrades!

Greece: Open letter of Revolutionary Struggle member Pola Roupa from clandestinity

On July 16th, 2014 the armed dogs of the establishment unleashed a fierce manhunt, and comrade Nikos Maziotis, member of the Revolutionary Struggle, was hit by a cop’s bullet and fell covered in blood. The comrade gave his battle against the cops that were chasing him. The state apparatus in its totality triumphed over the arrest of the “No 1 most-wanted fugitive” in the country. So did the criminal and real archi-terrorist Samaras, whose government took over the reins from the former pro-memorandum governments in a campaign for the biggest social genocide that has ever occurred in Greece in a time of “peace”. Samaras has used the arrest of Maziotis as a means to the stabilization of his faltering government, in order to support a political and economic regime with rotten foundations, which has long been discredited in social consciences.

For the political and economic regime, not only in Greece but also internationally, the arrest of a revolutionary with the political calibre of Nikos Maziotis is a “significant success”, as stated by the United States. That’s because the comrade’s arrest is perceived by our enemies as a blow to the struggle for the establishment’s subversion, as a blow to the struggle for liberation from the yoke of capitalism and the State, as a blow to the struggle for social Revolution. The size of threat that Maziotis poses to the establishment is reflected in the high-pitched nauseating rejoicing on the part of the domestic and foreign political power. Because the comrade and the Revolutionary Struggle, the organization in which he belongs, are intrinsically linked to the systemic political destabilization, to the undermining of a rotten regime; linked to the consistent war against domination and contemporary barbarity; linked to the struggle for the overthrow of the State and capitalism, linked to the social Revolution itself. Comrade Nikos Maziotis was and continues to be committed to the Revolution. This is what he has fought for, this is what he still fights for; this is why they present him as No 1 danger to the establishment. Thus, the political gravity of this case should be the primary parameter in expressing solidarity with the comrade.

Currently, Maziotis is a prisoner of social and class war. It’s not fair that he is in prison. It would only be fair if he was free, fighting for social Revolution. It would only be fair if those who are responsible for the plight of the Greek people, those who voted for and implement the memoranda, were shackled instead of him and they stood people’s trials; the economic elite, the rich who suck the blood of proletarians, the political elite and their servants. It would be fair if Samaras, Venizelos, Papandreou, Papademos and their criminal organizations, the Troikans and the leaders of the European Union, were shackled in chains. The domestic and foreign bosses, for the economic interests of whom the land and the people who live in it are being ravaged. These are the real terrorists and robbers. These are the ruthless criminals and brutal murderers.

The cheering about the arrest was accompanied by the anticipated attacks of state propaganda, reproduced and largely created by the mouthpieces of Power, the mass media. Attacks that tried to stain the comrade’s revolutionary character and used the shootout in the area of Monastiraki as their banner, in which the comrade is portrayed as “unscrupulous gunslinger” who opens fire indiscriminately, while the cops “are striving to neutralize him” without the use of firearms. The cops supposedly fired a single bullet, and this was merely done to “neutralize” the comrade. How nauseating liars and hypocrites are they, both the state mechanisms and the kneelers who bow down to the regime in the news bulletins! “He was shooting amid the crowd.” Who chose the place for this battle? Who started the manhunt? Or, should Maziotis have dropped the weapon and surrender without a fight?

The cops consciously opted to conduct an armed clash in a crowded place. The comrade was obliged to defend himself. After they made one of the injured tourists, who stated he was shot by a cop, disappear from publicity as soon as possible, they declared again and again in the mainstream media that they fired only one bullet, while the comrade fired eight bullets. But upon mere suspicion that the man they were chasing may turn out to be Maziotis, they would open fire even with automatic machine guns not to let him get away. Because the stakes for them were of great political importance, and they didn’t care one bit if their operation was taking place among dozens of people, nor did it matter to them if some bystander would get killed. Besides, if that happened, they would blame the comrade for it. Who could ever refute them?

As for the ridiculous claims that they had supposedly tracked him down a few days ago, these were said in the context of state propaganda, not to admit that this was a purely random incident. And this is something that can also be seen in their contradictory reports. First, they claim that the comrade was recognized by a secret policewoman shortly before the shootout. Then, they claim that a former secret policeman had recognized him days before at a metro station. If it were true that they had tracked him down the previous days, they would have arrested us. A female snitch and a moment of bad luck gave way to the manhunt. But, again, they could not admit that the police chase started randomly. All of the propaganda about locating him beforehand was generated to publicly assert that the repressive mechanisms, and especially the “antiterrorist” force, are productive and effective. But this is too far from reality. In the whole previous period, we were continuously among them. We were moving everywhere. We were passing by them. We watched them, but they did not see us.

Since the arrest of my companion, I have become “No 1 most-wanted fugitive”; I and my child, about whom the regime’s men of straw in the mass media “inform” with excessive vulgarity, disclosing a lot of his personal data, and with a nauseating hypocrisy they simultaneously reward the prosecution mechanisms for their “sensitivity” not to release the child’s photograph to the public. From now on, the cops are going to sweep the country to find the child based on any clues that they might have. Other than that, my son is not wanted by authorities… And as one disgraceful police-minded journalist stated in the past, they were hoping to catch us through the child. Now, through the child, they wish to capture me.

They have my comrade heavily wounded in their hands. Their vindictiveness was something expected. To them it is not enough that they have Maziotis with an arm crushed by a bullet and in serious health condition; so, despite the fact that the necessity for close medical supervision and more surgeries was made public, they enforced his vindictive transfer to a prison known to not have doctors even for the most basic medical needs of prisoners. No doubt that, because of this transfer alone, his condition has deteriorated. I know firsthand what kind of prison transfers are imposed on armed combatants. When I was forced to be moved to another prison while I was pregnant, I ended up in hospital bleeding, and I was forced to stay bedridden to avoid having a miscarriage. It is obvious that they are afraid. They have the comrade in their hands with his arm crushed, and yet they are still afraid.

In what has to do with me: really, did they expect and still anticipate that I’m going to give myself up? I’m not going to do them this favor. Let them come and get me. In reality, my persecutors do not believe that I would do such a thing. That’s why they raided and searched the home of my family, interrogated my mother and sister looking for any clues, but in vain. Their statements in the media, that I find myself in a difficult position and it’s possible that I will hand myself in to authorities, are nothing more than an ultimate effort to inflict pressure. My persecutors know me. They got to know me on April 10th, 2010, when I was pregnant in their hands, and despite their ridiculous attempts to terrorize me, I didn’t even tell them my name; all they received from me was spitting. They are aware of my political stance during imprisonment, they know what political stance I maintained during the entire trial process. I was, I am and I will be a member of the Revolutionary Struggle. If they think they can bend me, they are grossly mistaken.

The arrest of our comrade was a blow. Our comrade Lambros Foundas shed his blood in the alleys of Dafni, and Nikos Maziotis in Monastiraki. The Revolutionary Struggle has given its blood for the cause of social Revolution. But our enemies will not have the last word.

There is still open ground for the Revolutionary Struggle. The social ground is ours, not theirs. For our enemies it is a hostile, wild ground which they can control only with violence. Every day the State and the Capital plunder, terrorize, murder, and exterminate in their attempt to save the establishment. In the name of “tearing out of the system all the rot” they hack to death millions of people that are considered superfluous for the reproduction of capitalism. At the same time, they bombard the society with stupid stories of “economic recovery” and “a way out of the country from the tunnel of crisis”; stories that make the poor, the hungry, the ragged in this country burst into laughter and indignation.

On the 16th of July a battle took place in Monastiraki. An unequal battle between a revolutionary and tens of armed dogs of the State. An unequal battle, just as the struggle for Revolution is unequal in this historical period. A struggle between few revolutionaries and an apparatus that is armed to the teeth and very large in numbers. It’s just that this struggle, the revolutionary struggle, is not a numerical question. It is a matter of soul. It is a matter of believing in revolutionary justness. A matter of believing in the Revolution. Of combating a murderous system, criminal by its very nature, reproduced through exploitation, oppression, and even the physical extermination of people. A system reproduced by violence. The violence of economic policy, the violence exercised by the economic and political elite to keep the rotten capitalist system alive, to ensure their interests, and to continue to dominate. Every single one of us experience the results of this violence over the last four years that the country has been in the throes of crisis, with millions of unemployed and casual workers, with poverty wages, with the transformation of work in slave trade, with the worst conditions of wage slavery ever experienced by people in this country. We have seen and continue to see the results of this murderous violence in people’s hunger, malnutrition of children, starvations, sicknesses, deaths, and the ever increasing suicides. We see these results in dumpsters where humans-mice, with their dignity crushed, are diving for a piece of bread. This “concealed” violence of the system, amid a systemic crisis, has now become a weapon of mass destruction.

It is absolutely fair to fight injustice; to combat a system that is imprisoning, beating, killing second-class people, whether these are resisters, strikers and demonstrators or wretched migrants, with the raw violence of repressive mechanisms so as to consolidate the order. A system that is establishing “maximum security” dungeons with the primary purpose of annihilating the armed combatants politically, morally, psychologically, even physically, of crushing the willingness to wage an armed revolutionary struggle. A system served by a justice which requires the legitimization of all kinds of state violence (e.g. the case on the wreck in Farmakonisi, where Coast Guard officers were responsible for drowning migrants, is filed), but also the racist violence against wretched workers (e.g. strawberry producers and their foremen were acquitted for the murderous assault on migrant farm workers in Manolada). Moreover, internationally, in the name of consolidating the New World Order through wars against “terrorism”, the slaughter of an entire people in Palestine is being legitimized.

Revolutionary struggle is a matter of believing in the need of combating oppressors; of returning to the real criminals, the real terrorists and murderers who make up the system, a percentage of the violence which is perpetrated by them. Because only with armed revolutionary action they will be able to understand that they won’t stay forever untouched.

Most of all, revolutionary struggle is a matter of deep and unyielding belief in revolutionary justness, the righteousness of abolishing every form of exploitation and repression, and destroying the State and capitalism. The fairness of a society of economic equality, without rich and poor, without masters and slaves. The fairness of a society of truly free people.

In the period that the Revolutionary Struggle has been active, since 2003 to date, it has waged a forceful armed struggle against all forms of violence of the establishment which were mentioned above. Ministries, courts, police forces, banks, the stock exchange building, the American embassy, the Bank of Greece were targeted by the organization. Acting consistently, the Revolutionary Struggle has given significant responses to state violence, the violence of the economic and political elite, the violence of the establishment’s justice, and has written significant pages in the revolutionary history of this land, but also at international level.

The Revolutionary Struggle acted and spoke with regards to the economic crisis in times when silence spread over the establishment’s fraud of “eternal stability of the system” and “flourishing Greek economy”. Later, with the onset of the crisis, the organization refuted all of the dominant voices that spoke of “fortified and unassailable Greek economy,” but also the swallow perceptions, impregnated with the regime’s propaganda, that were unable to grasp the magnitude of the coming storm.

The Revolutionary Struggle spoke and acted with regards to the Revolution and the revolutionary social organization in times when these issues were buried beneath the mold of fraudulent social welfare. It kept and continues to keep the flame of social Revolution, the flame of freedom, alive. It marked, determined, inspired many people, and shaped and continues to shape consciences.

For all of the aforementioned, it has posed, poses and will pose a serious political threat to the establishment. The Revolutionary Struggle has fought, fights and will fight for all of the aforementioned. For all that, I will continue to fight.

FREEDOM FOR COMRADE NIKOS MAZIOTIS
HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS
LONG LIVE THE SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
August 8th, 2014.

In Spanish + Portuguese.

Athens: Poster in Exarchia, in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Nikos Maziotis

Come play with me.
I will hand my queen over to you.
(She was once my loved one
now I don’t have a loved one anymore.)
I will hand my rooks over to you
(now I don’t shoot at my friends anymore
they died a long time ago, before I ever did)
And this king was never mine
and what do I need all these pawns for?
(they go right ahead, blind, without dreams to speak of)
All of them, I’ll give all of my knights to you
I’ll just keep this fou of mine
who knows how to go to one colour only
jumping from one edge to the other
laughing at the many armors you have
taking over your lines all of a sudden
agitating your unyielding deployments.

And this game shall have no end.

Manolis Anagnostakis

SOLIDARITY WITH POLA AND NIKOS

Santiago: Action at the Chilean-Hellenic Institute in solidarity with Nikos Maziotis

SOLIDARITY KNOWS NO BORDERS…
FREEDOM FOR NIKOS MAZIOTIS!

Thursday, July 17th, 2014, Santiago

Anarchist Nikos Maziotis had gone into hiding two years ago, when he did not present himself in court during the trial in which he was later convicted for armed struggle actions as member of the anarchist urban guerrilla organization Revolutionary Struggle (Epanastatikos Agonas), in which he proudly admitted his participation. From counter-information sites of affinity, we learned that Nikos Maziotis was seriously injured the day before, July 16th, in a shootout with police in the area of Monastiraki, central Athens. The comrade was in Evangelismos hospital, and was transferred to Koridallos prison hospital on Saturday, July 19th.

As soon as we were informed of the situation, in the early hours of Thursday, July 17th, we placed a banner in solidarity with the comrade, threw various fliers and painted some slogans outside the Chilean-Hellenic Institute, located in República Street, central Santiago.

From a distance we send a fraternal embrace to the compañeros who are incarcerated for their membership in the anarchist urban guerrilla of Revolutionary Struggle, and also to the compañera who is still on the run. We are aware of all the strength they have, that their morale will not drop, and of the dignity with which they have confronted Power and its prosecution.

Love and solidarity from a distance!
We don’t recognize any border!

Revolutionary Struggle Collective (CLR)
lucharevolucionaria[at]riseup.net

Athens: Responsibility claim for Molotov attack against anti-riot squad in Exarchia

(flyer from 2009: “Attention! Attention! Socialism lurks around every corner. Beware! Beware!”)

In the early hours of Sunday, July 20th, we attacked the bastards of the MAT anti-riot squad with Molotov cocktails, at the headquarters of Greece’s socialist PASOK co-ruling party located in Charilaou Trikoupi Street, Exarchia, as a minimum act of solidarity with urban guerrilla fighter Nikos Maziotis…

The States are the only terrorists. Solidarity with urban guerrilla fighters!

Strength and solidarity to anarchist combatant Nikos Maziotis, and Pola Roupa who has a bounty on her head.

Athens: Nikos Maziotis transferred to Koridallos prison

On Saturday morning, July 19th, 2014, an interrogator visited the room in Evangelismos hospital where Nikos Maziotis was being treated since July 16th, after the armed clash with cops in Monastiraki, which caused his injury and captivity. When the anarchist prisoner was asked what his name is, he did not answer anything. When he was asked what his profession is, he replied: “Revolutionary.” He refused to say anything else. The comrade was discharged from the hospital in the presence of his lawyers. In the same afternoon, he was taken to courts of Athens where the warrants against him were executed. He was then transferred to the ‘hospital’ of Koridallos prison.

Solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle members, Kostas Gournas, Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa.

Honour forever to Lambros Foundas, who gave his life in struggle.

Athens: Anarchist gathering in solidarity with Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis

The State and the Capital are the only terrorists

Immediately after the armed clash of July 16th in Monastiraki, that led to the injury and captivity of anarchist fighter and Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis, the propaganda apparatus of the establishment of permanent state of emergency unleashed a communications war.

The long-standing course of action of the comrade himself, but also the positions and the trajectory of the Revolutionary Struggle organization speak for themselves, and reveal the values and objectives they stand for in the struggle against the Capital and the State, for social revolution.

Solidarity with urban guerrilla fighters
Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa

Back off, snitches! Onward, comrades!

Gathering on Saturday, July 19th, 2014, at 12pm in Evangelismos Park (opposite the hospital where the captive comrade is) in Athens

Anarchists.

Greece: Text by anarchist Stella Antoniou after her detention in Thessaloniki

On July 14th, I traveled from Athens to Thessaloniki to stay there until the 16th of July, when I planned to return to Athens; personally, when I got bail conditions, I was not banned from exiting Attica.

There I was hosted by a couple of comrades. Thanos Chatziaggelou, who is one of the comrades that hosted me in their home for one night, had an arrest warrant against him for refusing to do military service, and he had let me know about it.

The next afternoon, specifically at 2pm, as we were coming out of their home, 20 hooded men of the anti-terrorist force flung themselves at us, having blocked the surrounding alleys with vehicles beforehand, and staged another infamous super-blockbuster operation to arrest us.

During the house search that followed, the cops seized a laptop, a pc and personal items of both comrades as well as my own.

During the arrest they beat comrade Chatziaggelou, handcuffed us and transferred us to a room located in a basement, where we were handcuffed continuously for five hours, with the constant presence of anti-terrorist cops inside the room. All this time, I had absolutely no idea why I’d been arrested.

Finally, at 7pm, I was informed that I’m being accused of breaking the bail condition regarding my permanent residence.

We were taken to the detention section, where there were around 80 prisoners, some of whom have been there for up to six months. They had to pay themselves for food and water; there were no televisions or radios inside, although these cells have become a regular prison by now, since they are being held in that section for months, deprived of hours out in a yard all this time.

As for the accusation brought against me, it’s the same prosecution that was ‘staged’ against comrade Kostas Sakkas, who was falsely accused of having violated the condition relating to permanent residence, because he stayed overnight at the house of one of his friends.

Later of course he was acquitted at trial, as the residence term obliged him to register a fixed and permanent home, and did not ban him from staying overnight at another home.

Now that the court case in Athens against me and my comrades Mitroussias, Karagiannidis, Sakkas comes to an end, it is no coincidence that there’s an attempt to create such frenzy with new charges and proceedings imposed against me.

The clearest of all is the State’s effort to unleash a show of force, as well as the ever increasing repression against fighters, part of which is the creation of maximum security prisons.

On Wednesday morning, July 16th, we were taken to court on additional charges, that of contemptuous resistance to authorities, because we refused to give fingerprints. Comrades had called for a solidarity gathering, and attended the courtroom that morning.

The hearing at the court in Thessaloniki was postponed to the 28th of July.

We were still in court having the trial postponed, when I was informed about the shootout between comrade Nikos Maziotis and the cops, and his injury and arrest. I stand in solidarity with comrade Nikos Maziotis, who has fought for his life and freedom.

Solidarity with armed fighters Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa, members of the Revolutionary Struggle. Our comrades are not alone!

Stella Antoniou
July 18th, 2014
_

Translator’s note:
Stella Antoniou and Thanos Chatziaggelou were both released on the 16th of July, and will stand trial on Monday, July 28th. Chatziaggelou also awaits court-martial.
Kostas Sakkas is still a fugitive.
After Nikos Maziotis was recaptured, state agents have unleashed a hysterical manhunt to track down Pola Roupa, who is currently on the run.

Athens – Revolutionary Struggle case: Five anarchists convicted in first instance

On April 3rd, 2013 the judgment on the Revolutionary Struggle case was a slight improvement of the prosecutor’s proposal. The court’s decision on the Revolutionary Struggle case:

Defendants who have denied participation in the organization

– Acquittal of Marie Beraha, Sarantos Nikitopoulos and Kostas Katsenos of all charges (on benefit of doubt).

– Conviction of Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis for alleged participation in the organization.

Admitted members of Revolutionary Struggle

– Acquittal of Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa and Kostas Gournas of the accusation of ‘directing a terrorist organization.’

– Conviction of Nikos Maziotis, Pola Roupa and Kostas Gournas for ‘simple synergy’ with the actions of Revolutionary Struggle (without a shred of evidence concerning their involvement in specific actions, but rather applying the Nazi principle of joint liability).

To sum up, Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis was sentenced to 86 years’ imprisonment; his sentence was merged into 50 years. Revolutionary Struggle members Pola Roupa and Kostas Gournas were both sentenced to 87 years; each sentence was merged into 50 years and 6 months. For all three of them, the maximum prison term is 25 years (which are typically served either as a full sentence or by day wages in prisons, or after the completion of 3/5 of the prison term, when a prisoner can be granted conditional release under specific conditions).

Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis were sentenced to 8 and 7 years’ imprisonment, respectively. The sentence against Vaggelis Stathopoulos was merged into 7 years and 6 months.

In addition, for all five convicted anarchists, the judges’ decision provided for deprivation of their political rights (5 years for the three admitted members of Revolutionary Struggle, and 3 years for the other two anarchists), as well as non-suspensive effect of appeal.

While Nikos Maziotis and Pola Roupa are on the run, Kostas Gournas, Vaggelis Stathopoulos and Christoforos Kortesis were immediately taken to prison. The militant slogans of the audience and the clenched fists of the three anarchist fighters were the last moments of the trial.

Solidarity with all anarchists imprisoned or persecuted by the Greek State! The battle for freedom is far from over.

Long live Revolutionary Struggle!