Tag Archives: escape

[Athens] CCF escape case trial: Statement of Athena Tsakalou to the court

Below is the statement of Athena Tsakalou (the mother of CCF anarchist prisoners Christos Tsakalos and Gerasimos Tsakalos) which was read out in Koridallos prison court by her defense lawyer in late June 2016, while the CCF escape case trial was still underway.

I haven’t chosen silence, even though it expresses me on many occasions because everyone interprets silence as it suits them. I’ve preferred to make this personal statement. And I call it personal because I don’t belong anywhere; I only belong to myself.

There comes a moment when you take a look back at the years in your life, and you realise you’ve left to live far fewer than the years you’ve already lived; that is, if everything goes well. And this is a strange but intense sensation, which makes me ask myself to be sincere. Not in the simple way we often think about it, but in an essential, deeper way.

I don’t like to say: where is this world going? It’s something that we – people at an older age – often do, but such a phrase conceals some sort of innocence that I refuse to accept. I prefer to ask myself: how do you yourself walk through this world?

And the truth is that all I want is to walk among people in a consolatory manner. It’s very important to be able to console people, especially your own people; to be able to tell them when they’re going through tough times: I’m standing by you; I’ll always stick with you. Nothing else. This is my only desire, and I’m glad whenever I’m able to do that.

So when Angeliki knocked on the door of my home, that’s exactly what I did. And it was a great pleasure for me that I was able to offer her refuge, even if only for a short while. The way the world is, the only place I want to live in is the place of defiance.

Assuming that, throughout the centuries, people have intended to live, if not a life of happiness, at least a joyful life, their history to date shows that they’ve failed. History books, either the official, inspected ones, or the secret ones that it’s hard to come by, show that people have failed. It may be that the conditions for survival or living standards got better – although ‘better’ is relative, as this is not the case in some parts of the earth – but the pain, the horror of wars, of hunger and oppression continue to rise.

Of course there’s a difference; a nightmarish difference. Nowadays, death is no longer caused just by hand-to-hand combat on the battlefields where, even from a distance determined by a firearm, you’re able to see the falling body and hear the cry of pain, and regardless of how much dehumanised you’ve become, this sight and sound leaves a peculiar imprint within you that, at some point, might make you not want war anymore. On today’s battlefields, we find ourselves in the era of smart bombs, and one is able to retain ‘their innocence’ by pressing a button which brings mass death; that’s the difference.

For some time now, more than 10,000 refugee children who were travelling unaccompanied have disappeared in Europe over the past 18–24 months. There are fears that many of them have fallen victim to exploitation by organised crime networks…

The world’s 62 richest people hold as much wealth as half the population on the planet…

The earth’s products are enough to feed its entire population, yet millions of people, millions of children die of hunger.

Some very few, like these 62 wealthiest people in the world, might say: ‘all this stuff about a joyful life is nothing but a trap set for the many to be lured into it, because the whole deal with the world is a game, a game of death. It’s not just the money that matters; besides, we have plenty of that; what really matters is the ability to use our power to play games with the entire world; all of a sudden, to drive thousands of people to death; to scare entire populations with wars, famine and diseases when we’re bored; because that’s also up to us, to cause diseases, thanks to scientists. In some sense, we’re a kind of gods; and gods are always almighty.’

And this is true, but it’s also true that there are no gods without believers. Gods cannot just live all by themselves; they want their faithful to walk quietly around their gardens, ready to execute their orders – all of their orders, even if it means killing one another. However, there are always those whose blood is resided by the first rebellion of Eve and Adam.

And it’s about time we said: after so much human blood watering the earth’s soil every day, after all this lament filling the earth’s air, if there’s no change of course for the human species, if the human mind isn’t crossed by a lightning at some point, so that we see everything differently… then indeed it’d be a brave decision if people eventually said: ‘for so many centuries, we’ve been unable to find joy; we might as well admit that as a species we aren’t capable of something like this; we might as well admit our failure and leave calmly; let us be the last of the humans; let us admit that only trees deserve life, continuity, eternity as they’re free of the instinct of war, of horror.’

Lately all I want to do is plant trees. And someone might ask me: but is this truly your deepest desire? No, I haven’t done well; I’m still determined by the ability to see as far as my eye can see, to keep my mind off things by taking pleasure in small joys; but when I open the eye of my mind to a worldwide wandering, a worldwide looking, and I see how small a share joy has in people’s lives, I say once more: if the dream doesn’t enter people’s lives, if there’s no change of course for the human species, only trees deserve continuity, life, eternity.

Athena Tsakalou

Koridallos prison, Athens: Summary of sentences in the CCF escape case trial

On July 8th 2016, the Koridallos prison court – presided over by special judge Asimina Yfanti – convicted all members of the anarchist revolutionary organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, who were accused of placing an explosive device at Koridallos tax office; sending a parcel bomb to the police station in Itea (in retaliation for the murder of inmate Ilir Kareli by prison guards); sending a letter bomb to the home of Dimitris Mokkas (special appellate judge against terrorism); planning an armed escape from Koridallos prison (dubbed “Gorgopotamos project”); and possession of firearms, explosives and anti-tank RPGs with the purpose of “disrupting the country’s social, economic and political life.” Furthermore, in relation to these charges, they were convicted of “direction of a terrorist organisation” and incitement (“moral instigation”) to four attempted homicides.

During the sentencing, there was a strong presence of comrades in solidarity with the anarchists and the dignified individuals co-accused in the CCF escape case trial. There was also heavy police presence (including an anti-riot squad).

CCF members:

The ten CCF anarchist prisoners Gerasimos Tsakalos, Christos Tsakalos, Giorgos Polidoros, Olga Ekonomidou, Theofilos Mavropoulos, Panagiotis Argirou, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, Michalis Nikolopoulos, Damiano Bolano, Haris Hadjimihelakis were sentenced to 115 years in prison each.

Comrade Angeliki Spyropoulou:

The anarchist prisoner Angeliki Spyropoulou was sentenced to 28 years in prison.

Relatives of CCF members:

Athena Tsakalou (the mother of CCF members Gerasimos Tsakalos and Christos Tsakalos) and Evi Statiri (the partner of Gerasimos Tsakalos) were found not guilty by a majority opinion (instead of a unanimous verdict).

However, Christos Polidoros (the brother of CCF member Giorgos Polidoros) was convicted of “membership in the terrorist organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire” and received a 6-year suspended sentence.

Other prison sentences & a couple of acquittals:

Christos Rodopoulos (nicknamed “Iasonas” by authorities), who has denied all charges, was sentenced to 75 years in prison.

Christodoulos Xiros (convicted 17N member) was sentenced to 65 years in prison.

Four other defendants were convicted of alleged membership in the organisation and sentenced to 27-28 years in prison each.

Fabio Dusko was sentenced to 8 years in prison.

Four other defendants were acquitted of membership in the organisation but received a 6-year suspended sentence.

Two other defendants were found guilty of misdemeanor offenses.

Two defendants were found not guilty.

in German, Italian

Koridallos prisons: Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis on the escape attempt and life sentence

Text of Nikos Maziotis about the operation of escape from Koridallos prison and the sentence of life imprisonment handed down in the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trial

The attempt to escape from Koridallos prison by helicopter on February 21st 2016 – an operation carried out by comrade Pola Roupa, member of Revolutionary Struggle – was a revolutionary act, a guerrilla action for the liberation of political prisoners. It was a means of continuation of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, a response to the State’s repressive operations against our organisation and other political prisoners, comrades who are in prison for armed activity as well. It was therefore an exemplary solidarity act of great and unique importance. The prison escape operation was a step towards continuing armed revolutionary activity; promoting the struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital; overturning the establishment’s policy of bailout programs imposed by the troika of the country’s supranational bosses, the EC, ECB and IMF, to which the ESM has been added with the enactment and implementation of the third memorandum program by the SYRIZA-led government. Armed struggle in the present circumstances is more timely and necessary than ever. The failure of this operation won’t bend us. We will struggle as long as we live and breathe.

Revolutionary Struggle has proven that it has remained standing over the years, despite successive repressive blows and sacrifices: the blood of comrade Lambros Foundas, who was killed on March 10th 2010 in a shootout with police in the district of Dafni, Athens, during a preparatory action of the organisation; our arrests a month later, April 10th 2010, on the eve of Greece’s signing of the first memorandum; my arrest on July 16th 2014 in Monastiraki, Athens, where I was injured following a chase and shootout with police. Revolutionary Struggle remained standing because we undertook political responsibility for our participation in the organisation – in Greece, we were the first armed revolutionary and anarchist organisation to do so – and because we defended our history, the organisation’s actions and our comrade Lambros Foundas, who gave his life so that the memorandum wouldn’t pass; to turn the crisis into an opportunity for social revolution. We remained standing as an organisation because we didn’t mind paying the cost and price, because we didn’t turn ourselves into betrayers or deserters, because none of us tried to save one’s own skin at the moment of repression. It’s precisely because we claimed political responsibility that we stayed alive as an organisation in prison in 2010–11. We gave a political battle against the enemy in the 1st special court. Once released from prison after 18 months in pretrial detention, we chose not to surrender ourselves to imminent imprisonment and went underground instead, to continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity.

The attack of Revolutionary Struggle – Commando Lambros Foundas on April 10th 2014 against the Bank of Greece, a branch of the ECB – one of the most popularly-hated organisations that make up the quartet of supranational bosses – but also a building that housed the office of the IMF’s permanent representative in Greece, annulled the 2010 repressive operation, and continued the organisation’s strategy that was launched in 2009 with the attacks on Citibank’s headquarters and one of its branches, a Eurobank’s branch and the Athens Stock Exchange. For years Revolutionary Struggle is faced with the spearhead of state repression, since the issue of dealing with the organisation and generally armed revolutionary activity is a major priority for the survival of the establishment, seeking to eliminate the internal enemy for the smooth enforcement and implementation of bailout programs, which constitute policies of social genocide and cleansing of parts of the population.

In 2007, the U.S. Department of State and the Greek State placed bounties of 1 million dollars and 800 thousand euros, respectively, after the organisation’s attack with an anti-tank RPG at the U.S. Embassy in Athens. In 2010, the Papandreou government celebrated our arrests, and a government official stated that they prevented a blow that would end the economy, on the eve of the signing of the first memorandum and amid fear of Greek economy’s collapse. In 2014, after we had gone into clandestinity and had been sentenced to 50 years imprisonment by the 1st special court, the Samaras government placed a bounty of 2 million euros on our heads – one million on comrade Roupa and another million on me. My arrest, three months after Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Bank of Greece, was celebrated by Greek authorities. U.S. officials congratulated them on my recapture and made statements on political stability. Special measures were implemented after my arrest and, in December 2014, I was transferred to the newly-inaugurated type C maximum security prison, this being the first such transfer of a political prisoner, already preannounced since my recapture. In April 2015, I was included in the list of “international terrorists” designated by State Department, even though I was in prison. The authorities have now unleashed a manhunt to arrest comrade Roupa. All this demonstrates that combating Revolutionary Struggle holds great significance for the establishment. That is, repression against Revolutionary Struggle and implementation of memoranda, together with the establishment’s political stability, go hand in hand.

Last link in the chain of the establishment’s repression against Revolutionary Struggle is the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation, a few days after the prison escape attempt. I was sentenced to life imprisonment for the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece, plus 129 years for two expropriations of bank branches and shooting of cops who persecuted me in Monastiraki. The imposition of the severest possible sentence for the organisation’s attack against the country’s bosses is a conscious political decision and not just a procedural exaggeration. As I have already stated, this decision aims not to terrorise me – because they know I am and will remain unrepentant – but those who’ll want to opt for armed struggle, comrades of the anarchist/antiauthoritarian milieu and other fighters within society. This political decision – applied for the first time in Greece in regard to a bombing attack which took place following a phone call warning, causing no injuries, but only material damages – is aimed at multiple recipients and sends out an intimidation message, that fighters who’ll opt for armed revolutionary activity will be treated with the utmost severity.

This decision demonstrates the establishment’s increasingly harshening stance against their number one enemy – Revolutionary Struggle, armed fighters. It’s not difficult to understand why, at a time when the SYRIZA-led government has voted the third memorandum, which is harsher than the previous ones. The big difference between penal treatment in the 1st and the 2nd Revolutionary Struggle trials may give rise to misinterpretations; I would therefore like to point out the following: Since the enactment of anti-terrorism laws in 2001 and 2004, this special legislation constitutes a political choice of Power in order to deal as effectively as possible with urban guerrilla in Greece as a major threat to the establishment. A provision in the anti-terrorism legislation allows life sentence, not for homicide, but for explosion as a result of which there was danger to humans or an injury occurred. I was sentenced to life in prison under this provision. Special court decisions in trials against armed fighters are eminently political decisions; the elements in the accusatory dossier are often of secondary importance. For example, as demonstrated during court hearings of the 2nd trial against Revolutionary Struggle in regard to the organisation’s attack against the Bank of Greece, even though there was a phone call giving 50 minutes warning before the explosion, the security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the Bank of Greece’s security supervisor. The security supervisor himself admitted there’s a standard regulation which obliges the security staff to stay inside the building despite the threat of explosion. The same happened at Piraeus Bank’s headquarters located opposite the Bank of Greece, where security officers remained inside the building on the instructions of the bank’s head of security. As demonstrated in the 1st trial against the organisation, the same also happened on September 2nd 2009 in Revolutionary Struggle’s attack against the Athens Stock Exchange building, where security staff stayed inside as ordered by the head of security.

It’s thus demonstrated that those who are responsible for causing danger to humans are the executives of the economic Power and establishment’s mechanisms and central structures, such as banks and the stock exchange, who consider people and entire populations to be expendable; even the security officers of their facilities. Because, for them, their profits override everything; their profits, which are dipped in blood and misery, override human life itself. These are the mechanisms that the Greek people consider responsible for the policy implemented over the last six years, which has resulted in thousands of deaths and millions of poor, destitute and hungry people. These are the mechanisms whose executives (bankers, major shareholders, big businesspeople) alongside their subordinates (politicians of Greek governments) the Greek people consider responsible for the devaluation of life of millions of people, for suicides and pauperisation; not the fighters of Revolutionary Struggle. Revolutionary Struggle’s attacks against such mechanisms and structures are to a great extent popularly and socially accepted.

In both the 1st and 2nd trial against the organisation, I have been consistent in facing the enemy at special courts. This entails the undertaking of political responsibility, the political defense of Revolutionary Struggle’s activity, armed struggle and Revolution for the overthrow of the State and Capital, without counting the cost and the price. This is the duty of every fighter, every anarchist, every revolutionary who is faced with judges and organs of the enemy. The sentence to 50 years imprisonment in the 1st trial was based on the undertaking of political responsibility. This is why we were convicted as accomplices in the organisation’s 16 actions by the theorem of collective responsibility, rather than being convicted as actual perpetrators. The State’s response to the fact I remain consistent in my trajectory as a fighter and continue to defend Revolutionary Struggle, and by extension armed struggle and the prospect of Revolution and the establishment’s overthrow, was the outcome of the 2nd trial, where I was sentenced to life imprisonment for one action, the bombing attack against the Bank of Greece. My entire trajectory after the initial arrests in 2010, the fact that Revolutionary Struggle stayed alive during the pretrial detention in 2010–11, the fact that comrade Roupa and I defended the organisation’s activity at the 1st special court, our choice to not surrender ourselves to prison, to go into clandestinity and continue armed struggle and the organisation’s activity with the attack against the Bank of Greece, this entire trajectory and all these choices are based on the undertaking of political responsibility for our participation in Revolutionary Struggle after being captured in 2010. This is what the State attempted to crash by means of the decision of the 2nd trial against the organisation.

My sentence of life in prison was a message to the fighters who assume political responsibility and do not repudiate their activity and membership in their organisation.

Things are becoming increasingly clearer for the fighters who want to resist and the political prisoners. The dilemma “repudiation or life imprisonment” (in the old days there was execution by firing squad) comes into effect; a dilemma put by Power, a dilemma that in the old days was “repudiation or death”.

Over time, in order to suppress any revolutionary perspective, the State doesn’t confine itself to military predominance over its rivals only, but it also attempts their political defeat by forcing them into political repudiation. In the case of the Western-European urban guerrilla in the 70s and 80s, especially in Italy, the target of political repudiation was not one’s convictions or political identity, but rather armed struggle as being one of the means of struggle and urban guerrilla organisations. In Greece, the dilemma put by Power was once this: either repudiation of communism, or imprisonment and, in other circumstances, execution by firing squad. Nowadays, more indirectly, the dilemma is this: either choice of armed revolutionary struggle with heavy costs and consequences, or renunciation of armed revolutionary struggle as being one of the means of struggle. Either undertaking of political responsibility for one’s participation in an armed organisation and defense of its activity, or acceptance of the State’s pursuit of repudiation of an armed organisation and one’s membership in it, and by extension of armed struggle, in the face of fear of going to prison.

In other, more difficult periods like the Occupation and the Civil War, the price to pay for the struggle was the firing squad; and not only for armed struggle. Many fighters faced with the dilemma “repudiation or death” preferred the firing squad; of course not because they wanted to become martyrs, but because they believed that repudiation is a shame and disgrace; as such, it was considered worse than death. There were armed militants and guerrillas of ELAS (Greek People’s Liberation Army) and DSE (Democratic Army of Greece), but also fighters that didn’t wage armed struggle, who remained unrepentant and were sent by thousands to the firing squad during the Occupation and the Civil War; they were executed in Goudi, in Kessariani shooting range, in Chaidari and Pavlou Mela camps, on Makronissos and Corfu, in Yedi Kule. Similarly in Spain, after Franco’s victory, thousands of armed anarchists who fought for Revolution in 1936–39, and waged guerrilla warfare until 1975, were sent to firing squads in Campo de la Bota, Montjuïc, Carabanchel, or strangled by the method of garrote – used as a means of execution for heretics since the Inquisition.

The struggle for the overthrow of the State and Capital is an activity that requires unwavering convictions, responsibility, consistency, commitment, political engagement, steely will, and political and theoretical knowledge of principles and experiences of the historical revolutionary tradition. How can we even talk about struggle, social liberation, revolution, Anarchy, asking others to participate in a subversive struggle with all the costs and consequences that it entails, if we ourselves are unable to assume responsibility for our political choices?

For the first time in decades – since the era of the post-Civil War State, when ELAS guerrillas who were excluded by the 1945 Treaty of Varkiza, which didn’t recognise their activity as being political, as well as those of DSE remained in prison for at least 15 years – there is a prospect that political prisoners sentenced to 25 years or life imprisonment for armed revolutionary action will remain many years in the prisons of the contemporary Greek State-marionette of the supranational economic elite. We’re going through a period where Power is even indirectly trying to pose dilemmas for educing credentials once again, as in the past, to break us with the spectre of long-term incarceration.

The struggle for Social Revolution, for overthrowing the State and Capital, must go on despite the difficulties, the cost and consequences. We will never surrender the weapons of our struggle.

NO PEACE, NO TRUCE WITH THE STATE AND CAPITAL

ARMED STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

HONOUR FOREVER TO COMRADE LAMBROS FOUNDAS,
MEMBER OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Nikos Maziotis, member of Revolutionary Struggle

in Portuguese | Turkish via isyandan.org

[Greece] Open letter of Pola Roupa about the attempt to break Nikos Maziotis out of Koridallos prison

Below is the first part of the comrade’s long letter; originally published in Greek on Athens IMC (March 8th 2016).
Under other circumstances, this text would be written by Revolutionary Struggle. However, the outcome of the attempt to break out the comrade Nikos Maziotis of Koridallos prison obliges me to speak personally.

On February 21st [2016], I attempted to break out Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis by helicopter. The operation was planned so that other political prisoners could join us, who wished to make their way to freedom. Details of the plan, how I managed to evade the security measures and board the helicopter armed, have no special significance and I will not refer to them; despite the fact that there has been a lot of misinformation. Just for the sake of clarity, I will only mention that the plan was not based on any previous helicopter prison escape, it is not associated with any findings of plans not yet implemented, and I do not have any relation to another fugitive person despite media portrayals to the contrary. Also, this attempt was not preceded by any escape plan that “was wrecked”, as reported by some media.

A quarter of the journey after our takeoff from Thermisia in Argolida, I took out my gun and I asked the pilot to change course. Of course, he did not understand who I am, but he realised it was an attempted prison break. He panicked. He attacked me pulling out a gun – a fact he “omitted”. Also because they will likely try to refute the fact he was armed, I remind everyone that there are publicly available reports about the discovery of two mags in the helicopter. One was mine, but the second wasn’t mine. The second mag was from his own gun, which he dropped from his hands during our scuffle during flight. And as for me, of course I had a second mag. Would I go to such an operation with only one mag?

He lost control of the helicopter and shouted in panic “we will get killed”. The description that was presented of a helicopter substantially unmanageable is true. But these images did not result from my actions, but his. The helicopter was losing altitude and swirled in the air. We flew a few meters over electricity wires. I screamed to him to pull up the helicopter, to do what I tell him so no one will get hurt.

Within no time at all, we were on the ground. Those who speak of a dispassionate reaction of the pilot, apparently judging from the result, don’t know what they are talking about.

Instead of doing what I told him to do, he preferred to risk crashing with me in a collision of the helicopter, which didn’t happen by chance. It goes without saying that upon entering the helicopter and trying to gain control of it, to direct it to the prisons, I had made my decision. If he refused to do what I told him, I would naturally react. Those who claim I was responsible for the uncontrolled descent of the helicopter, from 5,000 feet to the ground, what did they expect? That I would have said “if you don’t want to come to the prisons, never mind”? I fired my gun and we engaged – both armed – in a scuffle during flight.

He preferred to risk crashing with me on the mountain than to obey. When we finally landed on the ground with speed, even though I knew the operation was lost, I had every opportunity to execute him. I consciously decided not to do so. Although I knew that with this decision I was endangering my life or freedom, I did not execute him even though I had the chance. He himself knows this very well. The only factor that held me back was my political conscience. And I took this decision, risking my own life and possibility to get away.

Regarding the prison escape operation itself, it’s obvious that all possible safety measures were taken in order to safeguard the undertaking against the armed guards patrolling the prison perimeter, and I even carried a bulletproof vest for the pilot as well. In this case, the purpose was to make the prison break happen in a way that would ensure the lowest possible risk for the helicopter, the comrades and, of course, the pilot. I acted with the same thought when we landed on the ground; despite the fact that the operation failed because of the pilot; despite the fact that he was armed. I essentially put his life over my own life and safety. But I am to reconsider this specific choice.

Organising to break out Nikos Maziotis was a political decision, as much as it was a political decision to liberate other political prisoners as well. It was not a personal choice. If I wanted to only liberate my comrade Nikos Maziotis, I wouldn’t have chartered a large helicopter – a fact that made the operation’s organising more complex. The aim of the operation was the liberation of other political prisoners as well; those who actually wanted, together with us, to make their way to freedom.

This action, therefore, despite its personal dimensions that are known, was not a personal choice but a political one. It was a step in the path to Revolution. The same goes for every action I have carried out and for every action I will make in the future. These are links in a chain of revolutionary planning aimed to create more favourable political and social conditions, for broadening and strengthening revolutionary struggle. Below I will refer to the political basis of this choice; but first I have to talk about facts, and the way I have operated until now in regard to some of these facts.

As I previously mentioned, every action I carry out concerns an act related to political planning. In the same context, I expropriated a branch of Piraeus Bank on the premises of Sotiria Hospital in Athens last June [2015]. With this money, in addition to my survival in “clandestinity”, I secured the organising of my action and financing of the operation for the liberation of Nikos Maziotis and other political prisoners from Koridallos women’s prisons. The reason I refer to this expropriation (I couldn’t care less about the penal consequences of this admittance) is because, at this time, I consider it absolutely necessary to disclose how I operate in regard to the safety of civilians, who in certain circumstances happen to be present in revolutionary actions I am involved in, and my perspective about this issue on the occasion – always mutatis mutandis – of the prison escape attempt.

In the case of the expropriation of Piraeus Bank branch, what I mentioned to the bank clerks when we walked into the bank was that they should not press the alarm button, because this would endanger their own safety, since I wasn’t willing to leave the bank without the money. I did not threaten them, nor would they ever be in danger because of me. They would only be in danger because of the police, if cops arrived at the spot and we subsequently had an armed clash. And the police would only arrive if any clerks pressed the bank alarm. This was a development which they themselves wanted to avoid. Because people who happen to be present in every such action are not afraid of those trying to expropriate, but instead the police intervening. Besides, it’s really stupid for anyone to attempt to defend money belonging to bankers. And for the record, when a female clerk told me “we ourselves are also poor people,” I suggested to her that we step over to a “blind” spot, where cameras can’t see us, to let her have 5,000 euros, which she did not accept, apparently out of fear. If she had accepted the money, she can be sure I would not speak publicly about it. And one detail: what I was holding was a medical apron to conceal my gun while waiting outside the bank; it was not a towel(!), as mentioned several times.

In every period of time, in the struggle for Revolution – as is also the case in all wars – at times the revolutionaries are obliged to seek the assistance of civilians in their fight. The historical examples are too many – an attempt to document them would fill an entire book, and this isn’t the time to expand on the matter – both in Greece and in armed movements and organisations in other countries. In such cases, however, we essentially ask them to take sides in a war. Once someone refuses to assist, their stance is not just about the particular practice, but an overall hostile stance against the struggle. They endanger or cancel undertakings, they put the lives of fighters in danger, they throw obstacles in the way of a revolutionary process. They take a position against a social and class war.

Neither at Piraeus Bank branch nor during the attempted helicopter escape did I make my identity known. Therefore, no one involved in these cases knew that those were political actions. But after the failed escape attempt, and given that – as I already mentioned – I had the opportunity to kill the pilot but I didn’t, risking my own life, I have to make the following public: from now on, whenever I need the assistance of civilians again, and if I deem it necessary, I will make my identity known from the outset. Since my mission in any case concerns the promotion of the struggle for overthrowing the criminal establishment, let everyone know that any possible refusal of cooperating and effort of obstructing the action will be treated accordingly.

I am, of course, aware of the personal details of the pilot, but I did not threaten his family. I would never threaten families and children.

This is my balance sheet after the escape attempt, one I must make public.

THE PRISON ESCAPE OPERATION WAS A REVOLUTIONARY CHOICE

[…]

I ATTEMPTED THE PRISON ESCAPE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
ALL MY LIFE I STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION
I WILL CONTINUE TO STRUGGLE FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION

Pola Roupa
member of Revolutionary Struggle

German | French | Portuguese | Italian via Croce Nera Anarchica

Athens: CCF escape case trial set for February 15th 2016

February 15th: Trial date for the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire escape plan – Prosecution against relatives of political prisoners

The trial concerning the plan of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades to escape from Koridallos prisons has been set for February 15th. A total of 28 people are accused in this trial. Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades have taken responsibility for the escape plan from the outset, defending their choice as a means to continue anarchist struggle.

However, this time the judicial mafia has experimented on our comrades by applying an insidious and vengeful blackmail against them.

In addition to making the heaviest possible indictment against several of the accused, whose relation with Conspiracy of Cells of Fire members was solely limited to friendly contacts, they’ve prepared new guillotines.

The inquisitor Eftichis Nikopoulos (special appellate judge against terrorism) and the judicial councils that followed, have also put forward for trial relatives of political prisoners: Athena Tsakalou (the mother of CCF members Gerasimos Tsakalos and Christos Tsakalos), Evi Statiri (the partner of Gerasimos), and Christos Polidoros (the brother of CCF member Giorgos Polidoros), on charges of “membership in the terrorist organisation Conspiracy of Cells of Fire”!!!

Athena Tsakalou and Evi Statiri were originally remanded in March 2015, and then broke out of captivity.

Athena was released a month after her arrest, following the hunger strike of Conspiracy of Cells of Fire members and anarchist comrade Angeliki Spyropoulou. Six months later, Evi was also released from prison, following the hunger strike undertaken by her and her partner Gerasimos Tsakalos.

During the two hunger strikes, a multifaceted movement developed against the judicial coup, expressing solidarity by means of gatherings, banner drops, occupation of buildings, acts of sabotage and incendiary attacks…

Nevertheless, after the release of Athena and Evi, the solidarity movement gained half a victory.

Judge-executioners “granted” them a crippled freedom. Athena was exiled to Salamis Island, and Evi is restricted to one kilometer from her home by a “freedom distance-meter”.

At the same time, they have been prohibited from any communication with their relatives, thus isolating them behind invisible grids.

We see this strategy of Power of isolating political prisoners being broadened, as is the case with the recent visitation ban against Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis [whose friend and comrade was recently prohibited from visiting him in prison].

Similarly, the judicial mafia continues its sorcery against relatives of political prisoners, having remanded Maria Theofilou [the partner of Giorgos Petrakakos, as well as sister of imprisoned anarchist Tasos Theofilou].

On February 15th, Power will once again try to erect its guillotines against relatives of political prisoners.

They’ve made their intentions crystal clear by now. According to the accusatory dossier, which is over 10,000 pages, they’ve chosen to call only 20 witnesses to the stand (half of whom are anti-terrorist police officers), with the purpose of fast-tracking proceedings; it seems convictions have already been issued…

February 15th marks the beginning of a new wager for people in struggle, negators of Power, people in solidarity… Our wager is to nullify the Power’s vindictive plans, stand side by side with the comrades, and continue what we’ve started… To subvert the judicial coup and stand against the prosecution of political prisoners’ relatives.

Because this trial prefigures future persecutions. What is being tested today against relatives of political prisoners, tomorrow will be tested against friends, people in solidarity, people in struggle…

For this reason and all the reasons in this world, once again we are preparing to venture into new battles against the laws of cops, judges and the Power’s priesthood.

Our quiver contains many arrows, such as the recent memory of gestures against the fascist persecutions of political prisoners’ relatives, but also the fresh traces of actions for Black December, that have strayed from the silent paths of social peace.

In the face of challenges posed by the State and judicial mafia, we respond with the challenge of insurrectionist action. With the trial on February 15th as a point of encounter, to oppose the persecution of relatives, let’s make this New Year beginning our own restart – with international call-outs, assemblies, counter-information, demonstrations, occupations, acts of sabotage, attacks – for the complete overthrow of the existent. With not even a single moment wasted.

“Stone, iron, wood can be broken… but it is impossible to break a determined human being with a conscience.”

Solidarity with Conspiracy of Cells of Fire comrades and anarchist Angeliki Spyropoulou

Against the prosecution of political prisoners’ relatives
(Christos Polidoros, Athena Tsakalou, Evi Statiri)

in Greek

Athens: Indictment for the CCF escape plan

On November 16th 2015, it became known that a total of 27 people are being indicted for the case of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire planned escape from Koridallos prisons. Persons belonging to the immediate family nucleus of captive anarchists are included among the accused; that is, Athena Tsakalou (mother of the CCF members Christos and Gerasimos Tsakalos) and Evi Statiri (wife of Gerasimos Tsakalos) will also stand trial.

Meanwhile, Evi Statiri had filed a motion for the lifting of one of the restrictive conditions imposed on her after her release from prison. She had requested the lifting of the prohibition on communicating and meeting with her imprisoned partner Gerasimos Tsakalos, but her motion was rejected earlier this month (November 3rd).

Athens – CCF hunger strike: Words of Evi Statiri from prison

On April 1st, Athena Tsakalou (mother of the Tsakalos brothers) stated that she refuses to walk out of prison until her daughter-in-law is also granted release. The two women, who were remanded in custody over the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire intended prison escape, are currently sharing a cell in Koridallos prison.

The next day, CCF prisoner on hunger strike Michalis Nikolopoulos was admitted to the hospital’s intensive care unit in extremely critical condition. The rest of the hunger striking comrades also find themselves facing life-threatening problems.

In the small hours of Friday, April 3rd, anarchists gathered at Evangelismos hospital in Athens, where Damiano Bolano and Michalis Nikolopoulos are being treated. The banner reads: “Not a step back – We break state terrorism in the streets”

On April 3rd, Evi Statiri (wife of CCF member Gerasimos Tsakalos) published an open letter asking the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire prisoners – including Angeliki Spyropoulou – to quit their hunger strike, and urging Athena Tsakalou to accept her release from prison. Below is an excerpt from Evi’s words:

“(…) From the first moment, Gerasimos and the rest of the people from the Organization Conspiracy of Cells of Fire assumed the responsibility and emphasised that neither his mother nor I had any relation to the escape they were preparing.

When we were sent to pretrial detention, and despite our objections, these people went on hunger strike demanding our release from prison. Thirty three days later, I think that the legislative provision* of the Ministry of Justice provides a solution to the just demand for my release. Knowing their critical health condition (M.Nikolopoulos is hospitalized in ICU, and there are serious health risks for all of them), I URGE them to stop the hunger strike. The moral weight of the damage they cause to themselves is unbearable to me, and the idea of death hovering over their lives overshadows my every thought. I also ask Gerasimos’ mother to accept her release, and it won’t be long until we share freedom instead of prison. (…)”

summary constantly updated

* pending legislative provision that (under certain circumstances) enables the replacement of preventive detention with house arrest in the case of co-accused spouses or first-/second-degree blood relatives

Germany: Support rebellious prisoner Rainer Loehnert, punished with solitary confinement following escape attempt

Below is a text (see German version here) about Rainer’s situation. He is currently held in isolation in a forensic psychiatric institution in North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany. Last summer, he participated in a solidarity hunger strike for the prisoners’ struggles in Greece. He recently attempted to escape from the psychiatric facility.

Run, Man, Run! — An Attempt to Escape from a Place of Annihilation

At the end of January, Rainer Loehnert attempted to escape from a forensic psychiatric institution. Unfortunately his attempt failed, and since then he is detained in the isolation unit inside the closed psychiatric facility; thus, a prison within a prison.

Rainer is 53 years old and he is imprisoned for more than 28 years, currently in a forensic psychiatric institution in Bedburg-Hau, a small town in the north-west of Germany, near the German-Dutch border. But he doesn’t give up the fight for (his) freedom!

Rainer had participated in a solidarity hunger strike for the prisoners’ struggles in Greece (more info: en, gr, de).

And now he has acted according to his own motto: “Anarchy and total liberation is not for free!” (from a letter of Rainer, at the end of January 2015). So, he has once again faced up squarely to the “pigs in white” and took his life in his own hands. He didn’t want to await another humiliating psychological assessment, which certifies his “dangerousness” and “mental illness” at regular intervals. And this happens whether he is playing by their rules or rebelling against the “treatment” in captivity. A part of this perverse assessment says that the state/society deems it proper to lock Rainer away even for life: “You are a dangerous man, Mister Loehnert!” Also the filling with medicines is extremely important to the fascistic masterminds behind the scenes and to the nursing and medical staff. The harmful side effects (of the medicines) are “good” to be integrated into the “therapy,” or they are again treated with other medications. It is not surprising that he writes again and again that he doesn’t know for how much longer he will hold on or survive. As recently as January, shortly before his attempted escape, there was another dead person in this forensic psychiatric clinic: “nursed to death”!

For more than one month now, Rainer is held in isolation, and this means:
– being isolated from other inmates 24 hours a day (he only gets to see nurses);
– no walking in the yard (and even if he’s allowed to go to the yard, then only in handcuffs and legcuffs);
– his personal belongings were confiscated, and the remaining food items were trashed;
– own clothes are forbidden, just the hospital gown (known as “angel gown”) on the body;
– one cigarette three times a day;
– only one felt-tip pen, paper;
– restricted postal mail (he has to apply to the administration in advance, if he wants to receive a parcel);
– four surveillance cameras in his cell, at night with infrared;
– ceiling-mount loudspeaker;
– in mid-February, he wrote that he has received at least a couple of books.

Rainer will have to face a further trial, but he keeps his head up. They don’t get him down! And with his letters he puts a smile on our lips again and again, and encourages us. In his latest letter he continues: “… it’s a long way to go until a group is causing a revolt or an insurrection; in Germany the system and the psychological and economic constraints are really deep down inside people, it takes time, [but] it is possible[;] I know that!”

Still, we won’t leave Rainer alone. We want to fight together against this shitty and truly sickening prison-society. If you want to join the effort, you can write to Rainer, send him some money, annoy/attack psychiatric institutions and/or other forms of prison or whatever comes to your mind to sabotage this civilization that’s hostile to every living being.

His address:
Rainer Loehnert
Bahnstraße 6, 47551 Bedburg-Hau (Germany)

Solidarity and powerful greetings to Rainer!

Freedom for Rainer!
Freedom for all!
Death to every authoritarian society!

– anti-authoritarian accomplices –

Hunger strikes in Greek prisons

A brief chronicle of the past few days:

While the Greek society is watching the post-election fables of the SYRIZA-ANEL coalition government in an almost dormant state, incarcerated anarchists and combative prisoners in the galleys of democracy have once again decided to clash with the Power and its laws, using hunger strike and abstention from prison food as weapons of their struggle.

On February 27, 2015, Giorgos Sofianidis, social prisoner in the E1 wing of Domokos maximum security prison, begins a hunger strike demanding to be transferred back to Koridallos prison, where he was held until New Year’s Eve, so he can continue his studies at the Technological Education Institute of Piraeus and the Institute of Professional Training of Koridallos prison. At the same time, along with his fellow inmates, he claims the definite abolition of type C prisons. On the same day, all other prisoners in the E1 special wing of Domokos – anarchists Nikos Maziotis, Kostas Gournas, Yannis Naxakis, communist Dimitris Koufontinas, and social prisoners Alexandros Meletis, Konstantinos Meletis, Vasilis Varelas, Mohamed Said Elchibah, Alexandros Makadasidis – declare prison food abstention, stating they will continue their mobilisations. Besides, in early February, a joint protest was carried out by inmates in Domokos prison in response to yet another death of a prisoner because of medical negligence.

On March 2, prisoners that share a common political context of demands launch a hunger strike, mostly aiming at abolishing the 2001 and 2004 antiterrorism laws, articles 187 and 187A of the penal code, the ‘hoodie law’, the legal framework for type C prisons, the prosecutorial provision of forcible taking of DNA samples, and demanding that the convicted 17N member Savvas Xiros be released from prison on health grounds. Those who announce their participation in the collective mobilisation are Kostas Gournas and Dimitris Koufontinas with a joint statement, Nikos Maziotis (type C prison of Domokos), and five comrades from the Network of Imprisoned Fighters (DAK); namely, Antonis Stamboulos (Larissa prison), Tasos Theofilou (Domokos prison), Fivos Harisis, Argyris Ntalios and Giorgos Karagiannidis (Koridallos prison). The rest of the participants in the Network of Imprisoned Fighters will join the hunger strike later on. On March 2, Mohamed-Said Elchibah also initiates hunger strike in the type C prison of Domokos. A day later, two women incarcerated in the female section of Neapoli men’s prison in Lasithi, Crete, declare their abstention from prison food in solidarity with political prisoners on hunger strike.

Meanwhile, since February 28, police have arrested several people in relation to the case of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire attempted escape from Koridallos prison: Christos Rodopoulos, anarchist fugitive Angeliki Spyropoulou, Athena Tsakalou (mother of the Tsakalos brothers) and a friend of hers, a friend of the brother of Giorgos Polidoros, as well as the wife of Gerasimos Tsakalos. Therefore, on March 2, CCF imprisoned members Olga Ekonomidou, Michalis Nikolopoulos, Giorgos Nikolopoulos, Haris Hadjimihelakis, Gerasimos Tsakalos, Christos Tsakalos, Giorgos Polidoros, Panagiotis Argirou, Damiano Bolano and Theofilos Mavropoulos announce a hunger strike until death or until their family members and the friends of their relatives are immediately released. Angeliki Spyropoulou, from the holding cells at police headquarters, also goes on hunger strike with the same demand. On March 4, anarchist Panos Michalakoglou, held in pretrial detention in the prison of Nigrita in Serres, initiates abstention from prison food in solidarity with CCF hunger strikers. Both friends of relatives of CCF members are released, however the bastards Nikopoulos and Asprogerakas, special appellate judges in charge of the investigation, order that the mother and the wife of Gerasimos Tsakalos be remanded to prison. Additionally, two more arrestees are sent to pretrial detention; namely, hunger striker Angeliki Spyropoulou (Koridallos prison) and Christos Rodopoulos (Domokos prison). Furthermore, on March 6, Christos Polidoros (brother of CCF member Giorgos) is also arrested and held by the antiterrorist unit.

Giorgos Polidoros and Christos Tsakalos have explained that the ten political prisoners of CCF support the other collective hunger strike that’s currently underway in Greek prisons, emphasising that the latest machinations of the antiterrorism agency against their family members are an extreme consequence of antiterrorism legislation. Revolutionary Struggle member Nikos Maziotis has also stated that, regardless of the different context of the hunger strikes’ demands, he supports the struggle of CCF prisoners.

Faced with this rapidly developing situation while waiting for further updates, it’s up to those of us on the outside who fight to abolish the prison society in all of its aspects and crush all Power, to support each and every prisoner in struggle for the immediate fulfillment of their demands, and try to bring about the complete destabilisation of the system of domination. Let us not forget that what we fight for is the total destruction of the State/Capital, and that struggles for partial demands are used as a means of destabilisation to this end, not as an end in itself; otherwise, there’s always the danger of being assimilated into reformism. Let us multiply the actions of agitation and attack against institutions, persons and symbols of Greek democracy inside and outside the borders. Let us make solidarity into praxis.

in Greek (6/3/2015), Spanish, French,
Portuguese, Serbo-Croatian, German

Important updates: Continue reading Hunger strikes in Greek prisons

Greece: Angeliki Spyropoulou and Christos Rodopoulos held in pretrial detention

Today, March 5th 2015, Angeliki Spyropoulou was sent to pretrial detention in Koridallos prison, accused of involvement in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire escape plan. The comrade has been on hunger strike since the day of her arrest (2/3) for the immediate release of the mother and the wife (both remanded since 3/3) of Gerasimos Tsakalos.

Today, 39-year-old Christos Rodopoulos – accused in the same case – also appeared before the special appellate judge and was sent to pretrial detention in Domokos prison.

Athens: Angeliki Spyropoulou on hunger strike too

Since Saturday, February 28th, 2015, six persons have been arrested in relation to the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire escape plan. Two of the arrestees have reportedly been released. However, the mother of Christos and Gerasimos Tsakalos and the wife of the latter have been remanded to prison, absurdly accused of involvement in the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.

On March 2nd, day of her arrest, anarchist comrade Angeliki Spyropoulou went on a hunger strike, demanding the immediate release of the two family members of CCF prisoners Christos and Gerasimos Tsakalos.

Tomorrow, March 5th, Angeliki Spyropoulou appears before a special appellate judge in the Athens court on Loukareos street, together with a 39-year-old man implicated in the same case, who was arrested on February 28th in Galatsi, Athens.

Strength to all hungers strikers held captive by Greece’s prison system

Koridallos prisons: The CCF imprisoned members go on hunger strike

On March 2nd 2015, cops arrested Angeliki Spyropoulou, who was wanted by authorities in relation to the case of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire escape plan.

However, the police have also arrested a close friend of the brother of Giorgos Polidoros, a personal friend of Athena Tsakalou (mother of the Tsakalos brothers), Athena Tsakalou herself, and the wife of Gerasimos Tsakalos. Therefore, as of today 2/3, the CCF imprisoned members in Koridallos start an indefinite hunger strike demanding that their relatives and the friends of their family members are not remanded in prison.

related posts in Spanish: 1, 2

Greece: ‘War Communique’ of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire anarchist prisoners

Note of Contra Info:

In early January 2014, while on furlough, Christodoulos Xiros, convicted member of the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary organization 17 November (17Ν), did not voluntarily return to prison. The Greek police placed a huge bounty on his head, in addition to launching a series of raids in Athens and Thessaloniki at the homes of comrades.

After a year, on January 3rd, 2015, Christodoulos Xiros was spotted and recaptured near Anavyssos, Attica, without resisting his arrest. His ‘safe-house’ was extensively searched by antiterrorist cops who found firearms, explosives and other items inside, including a forged ID card with the photo of a young woman—whose real first name appears to be Angeliki. That same night, the 1st wing of Koridallos men’s prison was raided by state-security agents and the EKAM special suppressive antiterrorist unit, and a short time later two imprisoned members of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire, Gerasimos Tsakalos and Christos Tsakalos, as well as two other incarcerated comrades accused of alleged participation in the same anarchist revolutionary organization, Andreas Tsavdaridis (who took responsibility for an incendiary package mailing by the FAI-IRF cell ‘Commando Mauricio Morales’) and Spyros Mandylas, were separated from the general prison population and moved to the dungeon cells of Koridallos women’s prison. The morale of the four prisoners remains strong.

Amid pre-election period, the state mechanisms have led a media-feeding frenzy, in search of individuals who may be linked to Christodoulos Xiros and/or CCF prisoners. The cops also raided houses in a couple of other Greek towns, and released the image of the woman pictured in that fake ID. What’s more, the police claimed to have found notes indicating a plan to assault Koridallos prisons in Athens, with the purpose of helping CCF members escape. In response to police reports about the ‘prevention of a terrorist attack’ relating to this prison escape case, the ten imprisoned members publicly sent their strength and solidarity to the unnamed persons who are wanted in connection to the escape plan in support of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire.

Below is the latest open letter of CCF comrades from Koridallos prisons.

WAR COMMUNIQUE

“First I shot him in the mouth to stop him talking crap;
then I shot him in the arm to stop him writing crap”
Jacques Mesrine on the kidnapping of a French journalist

The filthy war and the vulgarity of journalists as regards the case of the Conspiracy of Cells of Fire intended prison escape have no end. They have been targeting comrade Angeliki, emotionally blackmailing her parents, and spreading vile lies about her alleged involvement as an intimate friend of the arrestee.

Angeliki is an intimate friend of insurgency, anarchy, freedom.

Struggle and anarchy would be the only feasible reality if there were more people like Angeliki.

SCUMBAGS SNITCHES JOURNALISTS – WE WILL TAKE REVENGE.

SOLIDARITY AND STRENGTH by any means possible to comrade Angeliki
and to all those wanted in connection to the same case.

The Cells will always stand by you…

Conspiracy of Cells of Fire Prisoners Cell

Olga Ekonomidou
Giorgos Polidoros
Michalis Nikolopoulos
Giorgos Nikolopoulos
Gerasimos Tsakalos
Christos Tsakalos
Haris Hadjimihelakis
Damiano Bolano
Theofilos Mavropoulos
Panagiotis Argirou

Translated from Greek from Asirmatista (January 7th, 2015)

Belgium: Some bits of disorder

Fire and flames at the home of the prison director of Bruges – In the night of Wednesday the 11th December 2013, an arson struck the house of Jurgen van Poecke, director of the prison of Bruges. His two cars, an Audi and a Citroën, parked in front of his villa (Kespier Street in Asbeek), were destroyed by flames. The fire erupted at 4am, and the flames spread to the garage of the villa, which has been destroyed, too. Nobody got wounded, but the villa was declared inhabitable since there’s no more electricity, water or heating. The prison of Bruges isn’t only known as the most secured and biggest of Belgium; it also contains a much hated isolation module, designed to break the rebel spirits. A small documentary has been made about the particular high security wing in Bruges; you can watch it on this video.

Responsibilities – A year ago, the company Marinx installed its buildings in Sirault. With it, the company brought the roaring of trucks and engines. In this context of hostilities of the persons living in Sirault against the nuisances of the company, the house of Geoffrey Marinx, CEO of the company, went up in flames. There was not yet anybody living in this villa; the CEO planned to go there next month… Did he get the message?

Attacking the collaborators – The construction of new prisons (13 new prisons are being planned or built in Belgium; in other words, even more space to lock up people and asphyxiate the social question through repressive and security reinforcements ) also depends on the companies building them. To fight against these new prisons is therefore also to put sand in the machinery of this collaborator companies. In the night of the 10th of November 2013, unknown persons broke the windows of the Study and Research Center for Architecture and Urbanism (CERAU), on the Avenue des Courses 20 in Brussels. These architects collaborated with the construction of the new prison of Marche-en-Famenne, which opened its doors in the beginning of November. You can find lists of collaborating companies on-line, for example on La Cavale.

Let’s sabotage the daily routine – At nighttime, unknown persons cut the electricity alimenting the railroad signs infrastructure between Brussels and Antwerp. Tens of trains were cancelled, and delays went up to 45 minutes. If the bosses, the teachers and the employers depend on our punctuality to come at the right time to get exploited, if the economy, more generally speaking, depends on the fluidity of transport, then we see in this sabotage a simple way to make it all go into ruin.

Smile – News about escapes always make us smile. Two prisoners escaped from the deportation camp for clandestine persons 127bis in Steenokkerzeel. A month before, six prisoners tried to escape from the disgusting penitentiary village of horrors in Merksplas. They broke windows, put the alarms out of use and climbed up the walls during the night. Three of them got injured, stayed behind and were arrested, but the three others managed to get away. Strength to the escapees!

Steenokkerzeel – On the 8th of December, a gang of joyful troublemakers went to the detention center 127bis in Steenokkerzeel. After some words were exchanged with the prisoners who were on the yard, the guards forced the prisoners to return to their cells. Even if the deportation center didn’t burn that day and no escape took place, the anger against these prisons expressed itself with firecrackers, smoke bombs and fireworks. This gathering wanted to show solidarity with the clandestine persons, and cry out the anger about these centers and the death of an inmate last week in the center of Bruges.

Long live escapes – In the prison of Lantin, a prisoner escaped by climbing the wall. The prisoner got the help of other inmates who diverted the attention of the guards by provoking a small explosion, and then they even made a human pyramid to help the prisoner climb up the wall. On the outside, accomplices were waiting in a car, parked just in front of the service entrance of the prison. When a guard came out to ask them what they were doing there, the accomplices pointed their guns at him. Once the escapee reached the car, the guard was released. Police investigations, road blocks and a helicopter didn’t manage to get hold of the assailants. A beautiful escape, which also worked thanks to the solidarity between prisoners and the determination of some accomplices on the outside.

Andenne prison – On Friday the 15th of November, a prisoner attacked two guards. Both guards got wounded, and the unions of the guards threatened to go on strike. Fists in the faces of the prison wardens!

A telephone call – Tuesday 19th of November. Bomb alert in the Justice Court of Brussels. The whole building was evacuated and all hearings cancelled. Police didn’t find anything suspicious, but the work of Justice was paralyzed for some hours. A telephone call… sand in the machinery of imprisonment.

~ anarchist journal hors service ~

Greek prisons: Joint statement of prisoners in Koridallos

Today, March 29th, we the prisoners in the first wing of Koridallos men’s prison refuse to enter in the cells at noon as a minimum token of protest against the military-style invasion of the EKAM special suppressive antiterrorist units that conducted unannounced inspections and cell searches on the night of March 28th until the morning hours.

If the Greek police want to make a coup d’état in prisons by beating and torturing inmates, they should know that this provocation will not go unanswered.

At the same time, the ministry of ‘Justice’ through its current head Antonis Roupakiotis, and under the orders of the minister of Public Order Nikos Dendias, promotes fascist bills against us, which include regulations on restriction of our right to days of leave from prison as well as an introduction of the use of electronic tracking bracelets for prisoners. They will meet our embattled opposition wherever we will deem it necessary, outside the prison cells, in the corridors, on the rooftops.

We will respond to the violence of cops with the violence of dignity.

Regarding the escape of 11 prisoners from the prison of Trikala (on March 22nd, 2013): no laws or institutions can prevent the inalienable right of prisoners to their freedom. Good luck to the escapees.

Strength and solidarity to all prisoners in Trikala who were beaten by cops.

Prisoners from the 1st wing of Koridallos men’s prison

(Statement co-signed by 350 prisoners)

Greece: Text of Tasos Theofilou from Domokos prison

The following text was written only 24 hours before the magic escape from the prison in Trikala on the 22nd of March 2013.*

Probably it has some interest to comment on the last two attempted escapes from maximum security prisons in Greece: the one with a helicopter from Trikala prison, and the other with a small bluff from Malandrino prison.

In the first case, it became apparent that the police, in order to consolidate the doctrine of zero tolerance, did not hesitate to open fire and endanger the lives of dozens of people, citing the intent to prevent an escape, an act punishable as misdemeanor…

In the second case, we saw what a prisoner can succeed by camouflaging a simple radio device into a remote-control bomb (!) when the mechanisms of law enforcement know he makes no jokes about his freedom. Although he did not manage to escape in the end, he kept the entire prison staff on their toes for 24 hours with decisiveness as his only weapon.

But what really matters in these two incidents is the alteration in the meaning of escape, as well as its mutation into an individual affair of the prisoner. Until the late 90s rebellion and escape were two almost interrelated concepts. A prison rebellion was usually the result of an attempted mass escape. Prison inmates were trying to flee together, some managed to run away, others in their attempt got wounded by bullets of the cops, and the rest were forced to return inside, and they would torch the prison. The causes of this alteration must be sought on the one hand in the upgrading of technology and architecture of repression, on the other hand in the unprecedented individualism of contemporary prisoners.

Modern prisons are designed for the maximum possible control, using both physical and electronic methods. There are surveillance cameras on every corner of each prison wing, which is perfectly squared and devoid of any natural element. There are security doors that open only electronically from the control rooms. Another important detail is that nowadays the roof—the primary refuge of prison rebels—is not accessible in almost any way.

What’s more, the composition of the prison population itself has changed over the last decade, which has largely changed the perception of prisoners as well. The prison population is not composed of bloodthirsty criminals or romantic outlaws. It consists of migrants from Africa and Asia, who in most cases do not even know, not only the Greek language, but also the reason they are in prison. It consists of drug addicts whose place should be in hospitals. It consists of scared petty-delinquents and debtors, the new trend in Greek prisons. It is also composed of godfathers and thugs of the nightlife that, in exchange for some small favors, maintain a balance between corruption and social peace in Greek prisons.

Relationships between prisoners are fake, hypocritical ad nauseum, and diplomatic; a game of domination that acts as a brake on building relationships of trust, a fact that subsequently reduces any combative mood which requires solidarity. Prisoners are being divided in nations and races, in small and large prison sentences, in different offenses that were committed, in personal disputes arising mainly because of dope or petty personal interests, and thus destroy every sense of community of struggle that could have been created among them. Ultimately any prisoner who wants to assert his freedom is encouraged to attempt it on his own or alongside some friends. Collective solutions seem an obsolete romanticism that belongs in the 90s.

And why is all this important?

Because prison is not a mirror of the society. It is rather the ground on which society’s functions, values, traditions, ethics and problems are being condensed. Watching and analyzing what is happening on the inside, one is able to interpret the social inertia outside the walls.

Helicopters for prison escapes are both spectacular and legitimate, but even more beautiful are the flames of prison rebellion. We must not cease to honour those who have succeeded or even attempted to escape, but we must not forget that the aim should not be just to fly over the walls, but to dance on their ruins.

Anastasios K. Theofilou
E1 wing, Domokos prison

March 21st, 2013

* On March 22nd, there was a successful escape of 11 prisoners from Trikala prison (nine are still on the run, while two other escapees were caught by police nearby).

$hile: Text about the four murdered inmates in Chillan prisons, after the 2010 earthquake

As you may already be aware, after the earthquake on the early hours of February 27th, 2010, the walls of the extermination centre called Chillan prisons were torn down due the wild nature’s violent blow. In this context, and as a natural response to the fortunate prison’s collapse, 269 inmates escaped, but in the midst of chaos four of the prisoners were murdered by the repressive forces that immediately rushed to quell the prisonbreak, namely the Investigation Police of Chile (PDI), the Carabiniers and the prison guards of the Gendarmerie.

The assassinated were:
– Rodolfo Angel Leal Medina (31-years-old), accused of simple theft
– Luis Guillermo López Velenzuela (22-years-old), accused of robbery
– Jonathan Andrés Aguirre Aguirre (23-years-old), accused of house burglary
– Horacio Ernesto Núñez Zambrado (41-years-old), accused of house burglary

Chillan prison after the escape

The three first were shot dead by the Gendarmerie, the PDI or the Carabiniers, while Horacio was burned alive from the arson caused by the prison rebellion during the breakout. Obviously, he was one more murdered prisoner, given that the guards assisted by the rest of the cops sought to keep the inmates locked up in the midst of the fire.

‘He was into drugs and hung out with other kids involved in this kind of silly things… like stealing… these two years have been very bad for me; I’m on medication due to depression, sometimes I can work, but the depression keeps coming back and I stay numb… and the only thing I’m doing is sleeping and sleeping
—excerpt from the statement of Jonathan’s mother from an interview in the local journal La Discusión

In search of ways to express solidarity with the families, not letting neither Jonathan, nor anybody murdered by the police and the prison society sink into oblivion, I want to be clear in stating my position as an anti-prison person for reasons that would need an entire book to be argued; but I prefer to make this text a remembrance of who our enemies and assassins are, those who are often defended by the so-called ‘citizen’ —a term which I deny as well. It’s worth mentioning that unfortunately (for me) there are only 13 fugitives now from that breakout after the prison’s collapse.

No one murdered by the State will be forgotten.
Mutiny and getaway!

By anonymous author —source